Tuesday, 25 November 2025

International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women

 

Violence against women is a human rights violation and a consequence of discrimination against women, in law and also in practice, as well as of persisting inequalities between men and women. This violence impacts on, and impedes, progress in many areas, including poverty eradication, combating HIV/AIDS, and peace and security. There is no excuse for violence against women  and prevention is possible and essential.
Women’s activists have marked 25 November as a day against violence since 1981. This date came from the brutal assassination in 1960, of the three Mirabal sisters, political activists in the Dominican Republic, on orders of Dominican ruler Rafael Trujillo (1930-1961).
On 20 December 1993 the General Assembly, by resolution 48/104, adopted the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women.
In this context, in 1999 the United Nations General Assembly designated 25 November as the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, and invited governments, international organizations and NGOs to organize on that day activities designed to raise public awareness of the problem.
The International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women also launches the 16 Days of Activism against Gender Violence, which runs through to 10 December, Human Rights Day. A time to galvanise action to end violence against women and girls around the world.
According to the United Nations, violence against women means “any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life”.
The term “gender-based violence” is often used interchangeably with “violence against women,” reflecting the fact that a disproportionate number of gender-based crimes are committed against women. It is a global pandemic, deeply rooted in gender inequality, and is fundamentally a human rights violation. Gender-based violence has no social or economic boundaries. It is present in all countries, rich and poor, and affects all socio-economic groups.
Globally, 1 woman out of 3 has experienced some form of physical, psychological or sexual violence. In some countries, this dramatic figure increases, involving 7 women out of 10. Violence against women is one of the most spread human rights violations, and affects women of any age, ethnic group, culture, and social class. 
An estimated 133 million girls and women have experienced some form of female genital mutilation, whilst more than 700 million women alive today were married as children, 250 million of whom were married before the age of 15.603 million women live in countries where domestic violence is not yet considered a crime. Women  and girls make up 80% of the estimated 800,000 people trafficked across national borders annually, with 79% of  them trafficked for sexual exploitation.
Under the theme, we recognize that digital violence is real violence. Women and girls face harassment, threats, and abuse online. Today, as the world pauses to recognise the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women  we  must confront the reality that violence is no longer only physical. It has moved into our phones, our screens, and our digital lives. This year’s theme, “End digital violence against all women and girls,” is a powerful reminder that technology must be part of the solution-not another barrier.
Technology has the power to connect, educate, and uplift,  but it can also be used to control, silence, and harm. Women and girls are being silenced through threats, humiliation, hacking, stalking, revenge porn, impersonation, and deepfake abuse. Just because it happens online, many people still dismiss it. Digital violence leaves real emotional wounds, real fear, and real long-term harm. 
It's also worth noting that political imprisonment is  also a key aspect of the institutional violence against Palestinian women enacted by Israeli occupation and colonization and enabled by U.S., Canadian and European support for Israel’s ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity targeting the Palestinian people. 
Not only this, for years, women have been at the centre of abuse and gender-based violence. From battling societal norms to quashing stereotypes, women all over the world have been fighting for equality, peace and harmony. International Day for Elimination of Violence against Women is a day that emphasises the importance of creating an uplifting environment for women across the world. 
It’s essential that those impacted  know that their is help is available and they are not alone. Violence against women and girls is one of the most widespread violations of human rights. 25 November and the ensuing 16 Days of Activism against Gender Violence which follow are a chance to mobilize and call attention to the urgent need to end violence against women and girls. 
Around 840 million women have experienced physical or sexual abuse from an intimate partner or non-partner at least once in their lives - that’s roughly 1 in 3 women. 
On the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, and every day, the  message is the same: violence against women must be stopped and we  must .reaffirm our commitment to protecting women and girls from all kinds of violence. We must reaffirm that every woman and girl has the right to live free from fear, while recognising that  ending violence is everyone’s responsibility, and encourage everyone to stand with survivors and  commit to creating a safer community for all. Together, we can end violence  and support those in need.
Acknowledging too that  Digital violence is real violence and  that every woman deserves safety online and offline. This is not just a day of awareness. It’s a call to action. A call to raise our voices. A call to protect girls before harm reaches them. A call to build a digital world where women can speak, create, lead, and exist without fear.  
Digital spaces should widen opportunity, not weaponise harm. Yet across the world, and across our continents, women and girls face an alarming rise in online harassment, cyberstalking, doxxing, deepfake abuse, and coordinated smear campaigns that attempt to silence, shame, and intimidate them out of public life.  This is real violence. With real consequences. And there is no excuse.  
Digital violence restricts women’s political participation, undermines mental health, erodes dignity, and reinforces structural inequalities. It teaches girls to withdraw rather than speak. To shrink rather than lead. It punishes women simply for showing up. We must refuse this. We must challenge this. Calling out online abuse, not normalising it. Strengthening legal and institutional protections for women and girls.  
Building safer digital communities where voices are amplified, not attacked. Supporting survivors and centering their wellbeing. Demanding accountability from platforms, policymakers, and perpetrators.  Every woman deserves digital spaces that are safe, dignified, and free from violence. Every girl deserves to grow into a world where her voice is not a battlefield.  Let us unite, in our workplaces, our platforms, and our personal interactions, to end digital violence. The internet must be a place of freedom, expression, and possibility for all. 
This day  also  acts as a reminder that progress means nothing if safety and dignity aren’t universal.  Change begins with awareness, but it endures through accountability, in homes, workplaces, and institutions alike. Let the 16 days begin with courage, clarity, unity and courage. Respect isn’t an ideal; it’s the baseline of any civilized society.
Violence in any form is never acceptable, offline or online. No excuses. We must stand together to build both digital and physical spaces that are grounded in respect, privacy, and dignity. Together, we can create a world where safety is universal and compassion is the norm.

Monday, 24 November 2025

St George’s flag has become a racist symbol, say ethnic minority adults.


A YouGov poll  has  found 52% of ethnic minority adults say the St George’s flag is now a racist symbol. https://yougov.co.uk/society/articles/53457-england-flag-has-become-a-racist-symbol-say-ethnic-minority-adults The YouGov survey  also  found both white and ethnic minority adults view the surge in flags being put up on lampposts and bridges in towns in the UK as "anti migrant."   
Meanwhile 39 per cent of the wider British public agreed with the claim.  Around 42 per cent say the motivation of displaying St George's colours is "discriminatory," compared to 29 per cent who think it is for patriotic reasons.  
Both white and ethnic minority adults tend to think that people displaying the cross at home are doing so with an anti-migrant/minority intent.   
The surge in St George's flags and Union Jacks being hung on lamp posts, bridges and street signs, began in the summer as part of Operation Raise the Colours.  
Critics see darker forces undergirding the broader flag campaign. They view this groundswell as little more than an aggressive, provocative message to people with an immigrant background and nonwhite residents.  
The anti-racist campaign group Hope Not Hate reported that the founders of Operation Raise the Colours include “well-known far-right extremists” and allies of Tommy Robinson, real name Stephen Yaxley-Lennon, a convicted fraudster with a violent criminal record who has become a leading nationalist voice in Britain.
Indeed, Elon Musk himself has used his X audience of 223 million to voice support for Robinson, as well as other far-right figures in Britain and across Europe. These fears are widespread. When a St. George’s Cross was painted on the wall of St. John the Baptist church, in the town of Lincoln, the vicar, Rachel Heskins, saw it as a clear “attempt to intimidate” the diverse local community. 
 “The St. George’s Cross has become a symbol of nationalism, which has become confused with patriotism — the two are very different,” she told the BBC.  
All this comes as immigration is now the top issue for voters in England, having just overtaken the cost-of-living crisis throttling millions, polls show. Far  right Reform leader , Trump ally and friend Nigel Farage,  recently said he would carry out a mass deportation of 600,000 people if he wins the next election in 2029. 
The YouGov survey also found that 71 per cent of Green voters said they found the flags to be racist, compared to 58 per cent Labour and 53 per cent Lib Dems.  
Just eight per cent of Reform UK voters agreed, compared to 18 per cent for the Conservatives. It also revealed the British public are generally comfortable with neighbours flying the England flag, but 48 per cent of ethnic minorities felt uncomfortable.
I am not of an ethnic minority but  I personally also see the St George flag alongside the Union flag  as being  used as racist symbols. For years we were told we were unpatriotic or overreacting for pointing out the St George's flag had been co-opted and used as a symbol of hate. It  seems pretty  obvious  though  that the flag has been hijacked by fake patriots and racists to intimidate and  spread hatred. 
It would be nice if these people flying the flag realised St George was born in Roman Cappadocia  in  the 3rd century; in what is now  modern Turkey where his  father is usually traced back to also,  and it is believed his mother was a Palestinian from Lydda - now Lod, in Israel. 
St George  died in Lydda, and never once set foot in what was then called Britannia. He's also considered a Saint in Islamic communities, and is  also  the patron saint of amongst others Catalonia, Georgia, Lithuania, Palestine, Portugal, Germany, Greece, Moscow, Istanbul and Genoa, although not all have adopted his red and white banner.
St George's Day, on 23 April, marks the date of his execution in 303 for refusing to recant his Christianity. In the 1,700 years or so since his death, the saint has also become identified with other figures, some historical and some mythical. The  legend of him saving a maiden by killing a dragon probably originated in the Middle Ages. It  us  also said he was a Cappadocian Greek officer in the Byzantine Army and a Christian. Adopted by the Normans, who replaced the original patron saint of England, St Edmund, who was English. 
Although many details of his life remain unclear, Palestinians see him as having set a powerful example for helping the needy and bravely standing up for one's beliefs.  It is this reputation that has also made him popular around the world.
Sadly the St George's Cross  being flown now  across England is basically inseparable from its status as a piece of racist iconography and have been tainted by association with the far-right and fascists. Nobody seems surprised any more to see some bull-headed idiot draped in the flag and performing a Nazi salute. 
If the flags had gone up on the  King's birthday or actually  on  St George's day I'd say different  but the current flag shagging display says nothing other than "migrants are not welcome here"


Saturday, 22 November 2025

Your Being Lied To.


Your Being Lied  To.

I regret to inform you
Everybody's lying to you, 
Leaving no trace of truth in mind
Deep down inside you know its true,
Every bloody institute 
Every greedy corporation,  
Every unscrupulous politician
Every day seek to manipulate,  
Lie to to you in the media 
Lie and mislead to your face,
Without any remorse or care 
Devoid of moral ethics and principle,
Revelling in cunning duplicitously
Speaking with forked tongues,
Embellish in name of control 
Will tie you up in knots, 
Worse than any bad apple
Some people rotten to the core,
Your being played like a fiddle 
Hoodwinked, bamboozled, deceived,
We can force a life that's better 
Unchain ourselves from falsehoods,
Let poetry hum the voice of truth 
The power of sincerity can save us,
Though you may not believe me
Might think I'm trying to fool  you.

Friday, 21 November 2025

Nathan Gill - One very Bad Apple among many.


Today at the Old Bailey, right wing politician Nathan Gill - former UKIP MEP, then Brexit Party MEP and ex– Reform UK leader in Wales, member of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, and now fully exposed Kremlin mouthpiece  and traitor, was sentenced to ten and a half years in prison for taking Russian bribes.    
It’s a political scandal of rare magnitude, and a warning for anyone still under the illusion that foreign interference is a fringe problem rather than a growing threat embedded deep in our politics. 
Huge news but  guess which ‘news channel’ hasn’t mentioned Nathan Gill’s jail sentence much. Goebbels News, aka GB news the far right propaganda wing of Reform.
Gill. 52 of Anglesey, North Wales pleaded guilty to eight bribery counts for accepting at least £30,000 from  pro-Russian Ukrainian politician Oleg Voloshyn, a man plugged directly into Putin’s inner circle, in exchange for pushing Kremlin talking points in the European Parliament between December 6 2018 and July 18 2019. 
WhatsApps show attempts to recruit other Brexit/Reform MEPs to echo Kremlin lines… and cash literally stuffed in safes. Officers found €5,000 and $5,000 in cash at an address used by Gill and believe he may have received up to £40,000. 
The money funded scripted speeches defending Putin's ally Viktor Medvedchuk and related TV channels, plus recruiting unaware fellow MEPs. Counter-terrorism police uncovered the plot in 2021 at Manchester Airport, finding incriminating chats and cash bundles; the judge highlighted the scheme's harm to democratic trust amid rising Russia-Ukraine tensions. 
In her sentencing remarks, Justice Cheema-Grubb described Voloshyn as the “architect” of the bribes while identifying pro-Kremlin Ukrainian politician Victor Medvedchuk as the “ultimate source of the requests and the money” that Gill received.  
The sentencing judge assessed Gill’s offending to be on the highest level of culpability and harm with “scant personal mitigation”. She set out in detail how Gill took bribes in exchange for using “scripted material” – given to him by Voloshyn and praised by Medvedchuk – and emphasised that this wrongdoing was compounded by having “enlisted other British MEPs” to adopt the same line. The Crown did not assert in this case that these MEPs knew about Gill’s financial motivation.  
Gill’s conduct was described as an “egregious abuse” of his “position of significant authority and trust” that was “motivated by financial and political gain”. His actions “fundamentally compromised the integrity of a supra-national legislative body, particularly in its dealings with Russia, a persistently hostile state” and “erodes public confidence in democracy”. 
 In justifying the lengthy sentence, Justice Cheema-Grubb emphasised that “the law will respond to such breaches with stern punishment” to deter bribery which is “a malignancy at the heart of public life”.
Nigel Farage, of course, has been keen to distance himself from the stench. For months he pretended not to know Gill,  saying “I’ve only met him about once”  despite working with him closely for years. Then, when the evidence became undeniable, he shifted the script: Gill “betrayed” him and was simply “one bad apple.”   Farage may deny being in Moscow’s pocket but in Nathan Gill, he stood shoulder to shoulder with someone who was. The internet doesn’t forget  One day, Farage you’ll be going down too you toad faced cunt.  Patriots my arse. 
Can you imagine how Reform UK would react if a Welsh leader of any other party had been sentenced for 10 years for taking bribes?  Nathan Gill once said he "would never apologise for being patriotic".


It’s convenient to focus on one fruit, a strategy designed to suggest the tree is healthy and the rest of us should stop asking awkward questions. But that collapses the moment you ask whether it’s remotely plausible that Gill was operating inside a major foreign influence network with nobody else around him noticing a thing.   
Whatever Farage says, the evidence  points at systemic rot. 
Richard Tice,   in March 2025 also said  : "I have never met Nathan Gill, and he has never had anything to do with Reform,"  The  evidence is the opposite. 


Then there’s the context Farage desperately hopes everyone forgets. His long habit of echoing narratives that delight the Kremlin - from claiming the West “provoked” Russia’s invasion of Ukraine to praising Putin as a world leader. Add in Reform UK’s own murky ties to crypto donors and deep-pocketed backers, and the questions become increasingly difficult to wave away.    
Farage and Gill parroted almost identical Russian propaganda lies as on  on September 16th, 2014  when  they  both   made speeches to the European Parliament parroting several of the same Russian propaganda lies.   
Could this have just been a coincidence? I don't think so. It looks coordinated. Either Farage gave Nathan Gill his talking points, or Russia was providing its talking points to both of them.  
They both called Ukraine "The Ukraine," a term which refers back to the old Slavic word for borderland, which Russia uses to deny Ukraine's nationhood.
They both used the expression "poking the Russian bear."  They both parroted the Russian lie that there had been a coup in Kyiv in 2014.  They both parroted Russian lies about NATO and EU expansion.  They both repeated the Russian claim that the real threat was Muslim extremism, a claim that Putin had very effectively used to distract Western leaders from Russian aggression and its hybrid war against the West. 
If Gill was working for Russia, what about Farage?  Farage said Gill had been "loyal to me and the party at all times". He failed to mention that both he and Gill have been unwaveringly loyal to Putin.
Judge Cheema-Grubb captured the gravity of the moment today: “Your misconduct erodes public confidence in democracy… When politicians succumb to financial inducement, the public can no longer rely on the veracity of political debate,” she told Gill.  
Exactly right. It’s not just one bad apple or even one bad tree - the entire orchard is at risk. The interference problem goes beyond Moscow. Britain has become an easy target, whether its the Trump administration stoking culture wars or other hostile governments recruiting spies insider Parliament.    Gill’s sentence is accountability for one corrupt politician. But we can’t let things lie there. We need systemic reform: tougher vetting, genuine transparency in political donations, strict limits on foreign-linked funding and a government willing to treat hostile-state interference as the national security threat it is.  
Nigel Farage must  also allow an independent investigation into Reform UK so the British public can be assured that all links to Putin's  regime are rooted out. Hopefully at long  last  too  this  will  be the  the start of Reform UK’s long slide in credibility and trust? As Nigel Farage and Reform remain a danger to national security, that  we  must  continue to hold to account whilst defending our democracy.
Here are photos of Farage, Gill, and convicted fraudster and criminal money-laundering expert George Cottrell, who continues to be Farage's associate. In the second photo Gill has his hand on Cottrell's shoulder. What was the relationship between the Russian asset and Farage's money-launderer associate?


Beyond the immediate criminality, this case also highlights a broader concern about the currently legal practice of politicians accepting outside funding from external parties and the inherent conflict this creates between their duty to serve the public interest and the private interests of their funders.
Foreign influence at all levels of our politics must be investigated and rooted out - and it’s right to ask what Reform UK knew of Gill's actions, and how anyone so morally bankrupt was permitted to represent their party.
Dominic Murphy of London’s Metropolitan Police said the jail term “should send a strong message to any elected official or anyone in an official capacity who is asked to act on behalf of another government and paid money to do so.” 
Let's hope this case sets  a precedent. though  the sentence was rather excessive though considering  after  all  there are  so  many MPs bending rules regarding funding and private investments. Lets not  in light of all of  this forget  either  the following  members of the British cabinet including our own prime minister and others,  who  have taken over £600, 000  from Jewish interests and supported Genocide. Not one of  them been  jailed, think  personally they  should all be banged  up  alongside Gill. If we can convict a Reform politician for taking bribes from Russia, we can convict all the pro-genocide politicians who take bribes from Israel. Nathan Gill gets 10 years, yet  25% of British MP are  funded by pro-'Israel' lobby.


Saturday, 15 November 2025

Remembering the Palestinian Declaration of Independence.


Palestine Statehood Day is marked every year on 15 November – a day to remember the 1988 Palestinian Declaration of Independence. It is  also a day to remember  Peace, justice and human rights for all.
It marked a significant moment in the ongoing Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The declaration emerged during the Intifada, a Palestinian uprising against Israeli control in the occupied territories, which was characterized by considerable violence as Palestinians sought recognition of their right to a homeland.
The Intifada erupted in December 1987 and would ended in September 1993 with the Oslo Accords. The Oslo Accords, signed by the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO)leader Yasser Arafat and then-Israeli premier Yitzhak Rabin, was an agreement that saw the establishment of the Palestinian Authority and was meant to pave the way for Palestinian statehood but did not.  
The "Palestinian Declaration of Independence" was written by famed Palestinian poet Mahmoud Darwish and proclaimed by  Yasser Arafat in the Algerian capital in 1988, where the proclamation of statehood was made. It had previously been adopted by the Palestinian National Council, the legislative body of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), by a vote of 253 in favor, 46 against and 10 abstentions. In April 1989, the PLO Central Council elected Yasser Arafat the first President of the State of Palestine.
The declaration sought to recognise an independent state, accepting a two-state solution with Israel.  "The National Council declares, in the name of God, and in the name of the Palestinian Arab people, the establishment of the State of Palestine on our Palestinian land, with Holy Jerusalem as its capital." the declaration reads.  "This is based on the natural, historical and legal right of the Palestinian Arab people to their homeland, Palestine, and the sacrifices of its successive generations in defence of the freedom and independence of their homeland, based on the decisions of the Arab summits and the strength of international legitimacy embodied in the United Nations resolutions since 1947; and the Palestinian Arab people exercise their right to self-determination, political independence, and sovereignty over their land," it concludes.
The declaration was largely symbolic, as Israel still controlled the West Bank and Gaza Strip. However, it marked a major step in the Palestinian struggle for statehood. If you're curious, read  the full  declaration  here: 


Israel greeted the declaration with condemnation and curfews, calling it a threat to peace, that they (Israel) are the ones who govern and that “We are the ones who determine what will happen." Despite the absence of agreements with Israel or clearly defined borders, the declaration garnered significant media attention and received support from a majority of the United Nations General Assembly. The declaration also  received widespread support internationally. Over 100 countries quickly recognized the State of Palestine, though the reality of its independence remained constrained by the Israeli occupation of its territories.  
The context for this declaration was intensified by King Hussein of Jordan's decision to relinquish Jordan's claims to the West Bank, further complicating the political landscape.  
In a bid to gain favor with both Israel and the United States, the PLO renounced terrorism and acknowledged Israel's legitimacy. However, ongoing violence and stalled diplomatic efforts hindered further progress in the peace process. The events of this period continue to influence the dynamics of Israeli-Palestinian relations into the present day.  
As of September 2025, the State of Palestine is recognized as a sovereign state by 157 of the 193 member states of the United Nations (UN), or just over 80% of all UN members. It has been a non-member observer state of the UN General Assembly since November 2012. This limited status is largely due to the fact that the United States, a permanent member of the UN Security Council with veto power, has consistently blocked Palestine's full UN membership; Palestine is recognized by the other four permanent members, which are China, France, Russia, and the United Kingdom.
The increase in countries formally recognizing Palestine reflects the success of Palestinian diplomatic efforts and strengthens its leverage in negotiations with Israel and on the global stage. Recognizing Palestinian statehood also challenges decades of Zionist-backed oppression and opens the door for true peace based on rights, not occupation and apartheid. 
Recognition as a state allows Palestine to establish diplomatic relations on equal footing with other nations, exchange ambassadors with countries that recognize its statehood and challenge the US veto blocking full UN membership.  
Additionally, it provides formal acceptance of Palestinian passports in those countries, enabling Palestine to enact domestic policies affirming its statehood. The recognition signals that occupied territories are considered part of the Palestinian state, opposing Israel's attempts at annexation. 
While recognition does not directly end the occupation or change conditions in the Gaza Strip, it contributes to ending the conflict, achieving a lasting solution, and holding perpetrators accountable.
Sadly Palestine  still  isn't a state,  but  a set of occupied territories, occupied by a fascist ethno-state. However  support for Israel appears to be declining sharply in Western Europe  while  solidarity  with the Palestinians keeps  growing.
Many citizens are shocked by the scale and direction of Israel’s response to Hamas’s cross-border attacks of October 2023, with a growing outcry over the 65,000 Palestinians killed in Gaza.   
Indeed Israel seems to be losing in the broader Western court of public opinion. In earlier rounds of conflict, such as the first and second intifada (1987 and 2000), Israel always held the prevailing narrative.  
This time the competition over the narrative is very different; not because the Palestinians are winning it, but because Israel is losing it. Far-right Israeli cabinet ministers Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir have been banned from visiting Spain, Slovenia, Belgium, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Norway and the UK for inciting violence against Palestinians. 
Israel’s spokespeople, are struggling to control the public debate, following South Africa’s bringing of a genocide case at the International Court of Justice, and the International Criminal Court arrest warrant for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. 
Netanyahu rejects Palestinian statehood, ignoring ongoing struggle for rights and self-determination, fueling violence and insecurity. Peace requires acknowledging Palestinian rights. 
Meanwhile ever since October 7th international support for Palestinian statehood has skyrocketed while international support for Israel has collapsed. Israeli settlers are fleeing their colony in massive numbers while the Israeli economy continues to suffer. We are witnessing the end of the Zionist entity and it normalization.  
In  spite of this media bias shields genocidal Israel as it mass arrests and ethnically cleanses. Gaza chokes under genocidal Israel's apartheid. This humanitarian catastrophe demands immediate international  intervention! Silence is complicity. 
Boycott, Divest, Sanction! End the occupation and hold Israel accountable for war crimes. Western complicity must end! We need accountability now and the  enforcement  of international  law. 
As Palestinians continue to face down and resist Israel’s genocide, occupation and apartheid we must  reaffirm our strong commitment to the Palestinian right to self-determination and our unwavering support for the establishment of an independent, viable, and contiguous state of Palestine, on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital, on the basis of the two-state solution for lasting peace. 
Recognising  this should not  be  seen  as  a reward  but  as an inalienable  right. This is unquestionable  and untradeable. I hope that the days will come as soon as possible when the Palestinian people will live in peace and security on their own land, under the roof of their own state. 
On Palestine Statehood Day I reiterate my unwavering support for the State of Palestine, standing  in solidarity with my   oppressed Palestinian brothers and sisters and their righteous cause who find strength in their faith and resilience through unimaginable pain.
True liberation cannot come from coexistence between colonizer and colonized. Palestinians have the right to self-determination in their homeland. This means the return of refugees, dismantling apartheid structures, and restoring Palestinian sovereignty from the river to the sea.

Thursday, 13 November 2025

Through Shadows' Wings


We are fragments of the same broken mirrors
All of us now are trying hard to survive,
As cracks of division appear among us
As lands continue to be occupied and denied,  
Even starlight fails to dissipate tears
While ancient cities are destroyed,
These are the worst times to live in
Really hard to escape from this space,
In a small Welsh town where dreams drift
I sip coffee thoughts running wild, 
Moments blur, yet stay wide awake
Beyond the chaos of the world,
Smoke rings exhale from my lips
Circling the ceiling like they own the night,
Though ridiculing life's revolving pages
Kings and Princes, parasitical entities,   
I think thoughts of friendship
My father a goliath of a man,
As time slips rapidly away
On currents of times depression,
I try to catch slivers of reason
Sparks to release infectious cheer.
Conditions of trust and understanding 
Words of comfort and rationality,
Resisting rhythms of cruelty 
From Congo, Sudan to Gaza, 
Where life is very lost and broken 
Understand their predicament, 
They remain very deep inside 
Piercing my heart over and over, 
Exhale balms to take away the pain  
Release poetry to salve conscience, 
And in the end, love will save us 
When it  all comes tumbling down,  
Allows compassions light to shine 
Igniting the flame of cameraderie 
Quelling the pain with unity.

Sunday, 9 November 2025

Eight child sex offenders jailed for 100 years in Kent

 

8 child sexual predators who had been operating in areas such as Gravesend, Gillingham, Swanley, and Margate have gone down for 100 years. 
These are the most common types of faces of sex offenders. White British. May they rot in hell. 
The prison sentences were secured following the latest investigations by specialist officers to protect children and young people from abuse.
Roy Humphreys, of Broadway in Gillingham, was found guilty of abusing two boys in the 1970s and another in the 2000s. The 82 year old was found guilty at Maidstone Crown Court and on 15 October was sentenced to 22 years imprisonment. 
Stephen Rilley, of Hastings Avenue in Margate, was found guilty of using threats of violence to silence and maintain control over a victim for nearly two decades starting in the early 2000s. On Thursday 16 October 2025, the 63 year old was sentenced to 19 years’ imprisonment and will serve an additional three years on licence under the terms of an extended sentence. 
Glenn Swanson, formerly of Gravesend, was already serving a jail term for child sex offences when another victim came forward. On 22 September, the 63 year old was sentenced to 18 years’ imprisonment at Maidstone Crown Court. He will serve this in addition to his current custodial term.  George Payne-Woodham, formerly of Grange Road in Gillingham, subjected a child to sexual abuse over several years. The 21 year old was convicted after a trial and sentenced to 16 years’ imprisonment at Maidstone Crown Court on Friday 12 September. He will serve an additional four years on licence under the terms of an extended sentence.
Lee Balchin, of Carnation Close in East Malling, was found guilty of regularly plying a child with alcohol and drugs to render them nearly unconscious before raping them. The 55 year old was sentenced at Maidstone Crown Court to 15 years' imprisonment on Monday 13 October 2025. 
Lucifer Hunter, of The Stade in Folkestone, was found guilty of pretending to be a 16 year old boy to groom four young victims on social media. The 24 year old was sentenced to five years’ imprisonment at Canterbury Crown Court on 17 October and has been made the subject of a Sexual Harm Prevention Order for 15 years.
Kevin Scarnell, of Fellows Road in Camden, used dating and social media apps to bombard a what he believed to be a teenage boy daily with sexually explicit messages and arranged to meet him for sex. He was sentenced at Maidstone Crown Court on 16 October to two years and eight months’ imprisonment.
Andrew Cullis, of Lynden Way in Swanley, was found to be in possession of a USB containing explicit images of children during a routine sex offender management check in February 2025. The 43 year old was sentenced to two years and four months’ imprisonment at Maidstone Crown Court on 17 October.
These are the most common types of faces of sex offenders. White British. May they rot in hell. None of these sentenced seem to fit the profile so beloved of rancid Islamophobes. Abuse exists in every community  though. Sexual abuse is a crime no matter what colour, religion or nationality.
It's disgusting and insulting to the victims that some predators are less news worthy than others. People need to realise that sexual abuse is about power and dehumanising, race and religion don’t define it. Monsters come from all demographics. 
Also the fact is  women are most likely to be sexually abused by someone in their own family. Data consistently shows that women are more likely to be sexually assaulted by someone they know.
What really matters is protecting children, not stereotypes. Focusing on one group for headlines only hides the real problem. 
Not a peep about  all of  this from  Conservatives , Reform party_uk  Nigel Farage,  Rupert Lowe, Richard Tice, Robert Jenrick, Kemi Badenoch, Chris Philp, Tommy Robinson etc and their media cheerleaders. Just deafening  silence. And not a single protest, hotel set on fire, or flag shagger posting about it.
Can you imagine their reaction if these ghouls had not  been white ? None of them are illegals. It's  almost as if  they don’t really care about the victims at all, just their own warped racist agendas. 

Saturday, 8 November 2025

Remembering the South Wales Miners Hunger March of 8 November 1927


Starting out from South Wales on 8 November 1927, 270 men from mining communities across the region marched for London in protest of the poor provisions unemployed miners and their families received from the Ministry of Health.  
The march was called for during a demonstration on  Penrhys Mountain ,18 September 1927  — 'Red Sunday in Rhondda Valley'. by  Arthur James Cook better known as A.J.Cook,  who was General Secretary of the Miners Federation of Great Britain at the time  - the forerunner of the NUM -  from 1924 until 1931, a period that included the General Strike of 1926.
Born in Somerset, Cook was a farm hand and Baptist lay preacher before becoming a miner in the Rhondda who his education in the Central Labour College and became agent to the miners. He achieved folk hero status during the 1926 General Strike when he coined the phrase ‘not a penny off the pay, not a second on the day’.
During the  1920's  and 1930's  the  United  Kingdoms  government’s apparent lack of ability to help with the plight of the unemployed led many people to turn to protest. The people living in South Wales in particular  were becoming more militant the longer they dealt with the crippling effects of the depression. To some it seemed the government was indifferent to the struggles faced and protesting in the areas they lived appeared to be having little impact. As a result, the protesting was widened and many marches to London were organised to confront the government. 


The march  in November 1927 coincided with the opening of Parliament was particularly focused on the growing destitution in Britain's coalfields,  also highlighting  the severe poverty experienced by miners and their families. which had intensified after the 1926 General Strike, with with each marcher carrying a miner's safety lamp.
The march was  however was not officially supported by the Labour Party, the TUC or even the South Wales Miners' Union. And was met with hostility, from the trades unions, press and government. The main reason for this was the close links between the National Unemployed Workers' Movement,  that helped organise the march, and the Communist Party.
As a result, local Labour organizations were instructed not to assist the Hunger Marchers, although this ban was difficult to enforce on the ground.
The (NUWM) which  was formed in 1921  campaigned for better support for the unemployed and against the Means Test. Significantly one of its aims and objects was “To create the united front of employed and unemployed workers against all attempts of the employing class to use the unemployed to lower working class standards and conditions …”
Under its charismatic communist leader 'Wal' (Walter) Hannington the NUWM organised a series of national hunger marches from all corners of Britain to London in 1922, 1927, 1930, 1932, 1934 alongside the  more well  known Jarrow Crusade  of 1936.


'Wal' (Walter) Hannington 

The Jarrow Crusade, in which 200 unemployed men marched to London calling for government intervention to restore jobs,  unsuccessful at the time, did at least help shape postwar attitudes to employment and social justice.


Hannington, also published a number of still influential books and pamphlets on these events. 
Arriving on November 20, 1927,  presenting a petition to Parliament to highlight the poverty and suffering in the mining valleys, it is remembered for its "worker's army" spirit and tragic outcome, with two men dying during the journey. Arthur Howe from Trealaw in a traffic accident and John Supple from Tonyrefail who died of pneumonia following  the rally in Trafalgar Square. 
He wrote the following in his last letter to his wife,  'Don't worry about me. Think of me as a soldier in the Workers' Army. Remember that I have marched for you and others in want.'  
A song sung by the marchers, 'A Rhondda Rebel Song (to the tune of Cwm Rhondda)'  echoing James  Connolly's  Rebel Song was later released in memory of the two men who died; 

Workers of all lands united, 
Marching onwards steadfast, true,  
Hopes of Kings and Tyrants blighted,  
We shall build this world anew,  
Long live Freedom! Long live Freedom!  
Chains are shattered, we are free.

The march despite official hostility, gained support  from every  Trades  Council  in  every  town and village they passed through which included  Pontypridd, Newport, Bristol,  Bath, Chippenham  and Swindon.  
Though the march didn’t end the hardship and hunger - that continued into the 1930s and and beyond, the Second World War,  it did make its mark and succeeded in drawing attention to the terrible conditions in the mining areas, and  subsequently more hunger marches were organised  as the economic situation deteriorated still further.   
Following further cuts to unemployment benefit in August 1931, a South Wales Hunger March was also organised that ended at the TUC conference held that September in Bristol. 
At least 112 men and women walked to Bristol, where they were refused a hearing by the TUC and their march was broken up by mounted police using batons.  
Despite this, the marches continued in south Wales – still organised by the NUMW, but more localised, with the aim of putting pressure on the local authorities implementing the government's policies. Marches to London continued, with 375 marchers from south Wales joining a mass march of over two and a half thousand from various parts of Britain to London in October 1932. The intention on this occasion was to present a petition to Parliament on 1 November, but they met with the same hostility as before. 
Although historians are divided about how successful these  national protest marches between the world wars were, there can be little doubt that they had a political impact and offered unemployed miners and others  an outlet for making themselves heard and soliciting support, while  serving as  powerful, politically charged protests against government austerity and neglect.
We should  continue to  take inspiration and lessons from the heroic unemployed  miners struggles and  the  hunger marches as we  face our own  different  struggles  today. Nearly 100 years later, in the face of plummeting living standards, trade unionists and  their  allies are again marching to campaign against hunger and the cost-of-living crisis.

Unemployed Miners March (1927)


Thursday, 6 November 2025

Remembering Marie-Madeleine Riffaud French poet, journalist and revolutionary (23 August 1924 – 6 November 2024)


Marie-Medeleine Riffaud  the renowned French resistance fighter, war reporter and poet was born in Arvillers in the Somme region of France on 23 August 1924.. 
Her parents were Jean-Emile Riffaud and Armande (Gabrielle) Boisson. They were both primary school teachers from Limousin, who moved to Picardy for work.  
Her father had been wounded in the First World War and had become a pacifist. She grew up in an area still devastated from the carnage caused by the First World War and was educated at a school in Paris where she developed a love of literature, and in particular, poetry. 
Madeleine’s mother, Armande Boissin, was an orphan whose mother had died of tuberculosis and whose education was paid for by her maternal grandfather. 
Madeleine’s father, Émile Riffaud, was the first boy in his family to receive a formal education, and the only boy at his school who didn’t own a ‘proper’ pair of shoes. Instead, he wore wooden clogs, the footwear of the poor who could not afford leather.
Like his future wife, he went on to win prizes and became a teacher who was recognised in the local community for his contribution to education. As well as teaching at the local village school of Folies, Émile was made headmaster of the school in Bouchoir, about one and a half kilometres away from Folies, and an officer of the Academy in 1937. He continued working in the education system right up until his death in September 1984. 
Madeleine’s  parents saw themselves as republicans and were proud of a heritage that linked their country’s constitution with the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen. Republicanism, however, includes many shades of political and philosophical distinction, and in their case, one of the most obvious differences between their worldviews had to do with religion. Where Madeleine’s father was agnostic and freethinking, her mother respected the authority of the Catholic Church. So although she taught in a secular education system, as did her husband, Armande ensured that her only daughter, Madeleine, received a Catholic upbringing through regular attendance at mass. 
In this respect, the maternal and paternal branches of the family tree connect Madeleine’s  to two different strains of republicanism that have shaped French society, where laïcité, or secularism, is still a passionately debated feature of the country’s education system and its constitution. Because of this, perhaps, Madeleine’s  never felt it necessary to choose exclusively between leftwing, secular republicanism and the Catholic faith. As an adult, she embraced both seeing the social ideals of communism (she joined the Party in 1942) and Christianity as perfectly compatible.
Madeleine loved her paternal grandfather, Jean, dearly   he  was a  retired gendarme. and   she has  described the times she spent in his company when she was growing up (he lived with them when he was elderly) as the happiest moments in her childhood. He taught her songs from France’s left-wing past, took her on rambling walks through the forest and impressed on her the importance of loving all things that grow in gardens. ‘I have never in my life intentionally damaged a plant … My gardener Grandfather forbad it, and taught me respect for flowers' 
Madeleine’s mother was born Armande Boissin in 1894 in Djerba, Tunisia, 13 years after the French had conquered the country and placed it under the authority of the French Resident-General.12 By virtue of her birthplace, she was associated with a colonial system that her daughter would one day vilify. 
Madeleine who detested authority in almost any form, however  had a strained relationship with her mother during her teenage years, for the usual kinds of reasons. Armande wanted her to be ‘normal’  – that is, to marry and have children – while Madeleine’ wanted to chase after adventure and fantasised about running away from home. ‘When I was growing up’, sheinsisted in an interview, ‘my mother was very “bourgeoise”’ – the classic insult French. 
Armande certainly wanted her daughter to have ‘nice’ friends. She disapproved both of the ill-educated children in the village when Madeleine was growing up and, in later years, of some of Madeleine’s friends in the Resistance. She could not admire people who seemed to be incorrigible risktakers without propriety or concern for their futures. However, thanks to her mother’s diligence and pride in her achievements, Riffaud was able to include some of her poems from her school days in her first anthology of poetry,
Her mother had kept them all. Looking back, Madeleine  regretted her intolerance of her mother’s views and needs. Some of this regret and affection found expression years later, when her mother developed cancer of the throat and Madeleine spent long hours at her bedside.
Sadly, the tumour affected Armande’s brain and in her final months she couldn’t recognise either her daughter or her husband. She died on 13 December 1970. 
Madeleine was at home when the Nazis invaded France. The family were part of ‘L’exode’, the mass column of refugees that left Picardy to head south, hoping to escape from the invaders. On their journey, the column was attacked by Stukas from the Luftwaffe. Madeleine decided to return to the family home with her sick and infirm grandfather. The most terrible moment in Madeleine’s young life, by the same token, was when   her  beloved grandfather  subsequently died.
Upon arriving in Amiens, Madeleine went to the Red Cross headquarters to get her grandfather a stretcher. Crossing a square, she was molested by a group of German soldiers. Seeing what was happening, their commanding officer intervened.  
To her shock, the officer turned round and kicked her in the backside, sending Madeleine flying face down into the gutter. Humiliated by the laughter of the Germans, it was at this moment  at the  age  of 18 that she decided to join the French Resistance movement as part of the communist group Francs-Tireur et Partisans, 
Madeleine always claimed that activism ran in her blood. Her great, great grandfather had taken part in the popular uprising of 1851, protesting at the coup d’état of Louis Napoleon. For this, he had been sentenced to hard labour in Algeria.  
Before Madeleine could take any action herself, she contracted tuberculosis. She was sent to a sanitorium for young students, just outside Grenoble. She had not realised it was a hub for the French Resistance. She was approached by Marcel Gagliordi – but it took very little persuasion to get her to join them.  
Madeleine took the nom de guerre ‘Rainer’, after her favourite poet, the  German poet Rainer Maria Rilke. This was also her way of showing she was not at war with the German people or German ideas, but the Nazis, France Info Rainer Maria Rilke. Returning to Paris, Madeleine became extremely active in the Maquis (resistance). She was told that anyone fighting the Nazis in the city, had a life expectancy of just five months
Madeleine quickly built up a reputation for volunteering for the most dangerous missions. She was the expert at stealing guns from policemen and Nazi soldiers.  
Hundreds of young women like me were involved. We were the messengers, the intelligence gatherers, the repairers of the web. When the men fell or were captured, we got the news through, pulled the nets tight again. We carried documents, leaflets, sometimes arms. We walked miles; bikes were too precious, and the Metro was too dangerous.” At the same time  as this  Madeleine worked in a local hospital, training to be a midwife. 
On  June 10, 1944, the Nazis committed the appalling massacre at Oradour-Sur Glane, where 643 civilians were murdered. France was outraged. After the massacre Riffaud took a pivotal action that would define her legacy. She witnessed  an incident in Paris that horrified her. A fellow Resistance member stole a gun from a German soldier. Thinking he was about to be shot, the German fell to his knees, crying and begging for his life. The Resistance fighter let him go.  
One week later, the same German soldier saw the Resistance member in the street. He walked right up to him – and shot him dead.  Madeleine was so enraged, she decided to take matters into her own hands. On July 23,  1944 she saw a Nazi officer standing on the Pont de Solferino in Paris, gazing into the river. There was a small boy loitering nearby, so she ushered the child away.   
Then, she went up to the German officer and tapped him on the shoulder. When he turned around, Madeleine shot him twice in the head, killing him outright. She said it would have been cowardly to shoot him in the back – she had to do it face-to-face. “I had a job – and I was going to do it.”  Madeleine nearly managed to escape on her bicycle, but a passing collaborator drove his car at the bike, knocking her to the ground. She was handcuffed and delivered to the Gestapo.  
In later years, Madeleine was asked if she had any remorse about the murder. She said not. “It was right. I felt very calm, very pure.”  She added, “He dropped like a stone. He didn’t suffer. It wasn’t done with hate – if anything, I was pained about having to do it.”  
Madeleine was initially lucky. As it was Sunday, all the Gestapo torturers were on weekend leave. Instead, but she was beaten up by a couple of local policemen and then driven to prison. 
Whilst in there, she helped deliver a baby to a Jewish woman. The prison guard was so infuriated by  this act  that he punched Madeleine. She was immediately driven back to Gestapo headquarters on the Rue des Saussaies.   
The Gestapo repeatedly tortured Madeleine but could not break her silence. She had her jaw and nose broken, was waterboarded, and was subject to repeated electric shocks (because they left no marks).  They also broke the arms and legs of a fourteen-year-old accomplice, right in front of her, telling Madeleine only she could stop his suffering. Finally, the Gestapo executed another man standing next to her.  
Throughout all of this, she refused to give them any information about the resistance network.  During her ordeal, Madeleine told herself, “I am not a victim. I am a resistante.”  
Eventually, after a month of interrogation, they told her that she would be executed.  She was sent to Ravensbruck concentration camp by train but managed to escape. However, Madeleine was quickly recaptured.
Madeleine was then transferred to Fresnes Prison. At this point, another female captive gave her a picture of St Therese of Lisieux. She kept it close to her. Although not religious, Madeleine later wondered whether the saint had protected her.  Madeleine also began to write her own poems.  
On the day of her execution, Madeleine was taken outside with other prisoners. They were all killed but she was not. She was taken back to her cell.  Then, she was unexpectedly released. Madeleine didn’t realise the Red Cross had been working to save her life. 
A prisoner exchange had been negotiated by Swedish consul, Raoul Nordling – and she was set free.    Upon her release, she learned the Gestapo had just executed 23 members of a Resistance group nicknamed the Manouchians. Every one of them was her friend. Her anger was fuelled.  
And upon her release, Riffaud returned immediately to the Resistance. On August 23, 1944—her 20th birthday—she led an assault on a German armored train in the Buttes-Chaumont tunnel, capturing over 80 enemy soldiers. Madeleine worked with just three fellow resistance fighters, under her command. They stopped the train by letting off fireworks, making the Germans think they were under attack from a bigger force. They needed to uncouple the train from the engine, but unfortunately didn’t have the know how.   
Before the attack, Madeleine heard that a retired railway man lived nearby. She visited him to ask for his help. He was washing the dishes with his wife. Madeleine explained to him that uncoupling the train was very dangerous and he was putting his life at risk. 
When the train stopped, the elderly gentleman crawled up the track, uncoupled the carriages – and then just walked off home.  After capturing the prisoners, Madeleine realised it was her twentieth birthday. With her men, they celebrated by eating ham, jam and German sausage ‘liberated’ from the train.  
 Her bravery in this mission earned her the rank of lieutenant in the French Forces of the Interior, the youngest person to achieve this rank during the war. 
During the Liberation of Paris, Madeleine fought the enemy in the Place de la Republique. She was part of a group attacking an SS barracks based there. An American soldier took a photo of her sitting on a tank as it drove through the streets nearby, with her black hair flowing behind her. It was published in the American papers with the title ‘The Girl Who Saved Paris’. 
Consequently, Madeleine was seen as a symbol of French heroism. (It was an image shown again in a documentary about the liberation of the city, directed by Pierre Hurel).  
Madeleine remembered the city’s liberation fondly. She said everyone got involved, whether they were children or the elderly. “You can’t know how wonderful it was to finally battle in the daylight.
However, 1500 Parisians died in the attempt to free their city. Madeleine continued fighting until the Nazis had been forced out of France. She wanted to fight on until Berlin but was unable to do so. France was still a very patriarchal society (women still did not have the vote)  and  she  was underage. 
To fight abroad, she had to get her father’s permission – and he refused. “I did not have permission to do that, I was told. That was a shock.”  “I was a minor. I didn’t have my parents’ consent. I was a girl!”  Her father’s reaction was understandable. Her parents had listened to BBC radio broadcasts throughout the war and on one occasion had heard the wireless announce that Madeleine had been killed.  
They were stunned and delighted to get her back – they were not going to run the risk of losing her again.  At the same time, her tuberculosis recurred. The Maquis told Madeleine they could no longer have her in their ranks for fear of spreading the disease. 
Her father made Madeleine put her gun in a drawer and ordered her never to touch it again. After the war, Madeleine suffered from depression for a while. She tried to join the French Army but was told she was too young, still being under twenty-one.  
She tried to kill herself by taking an overdose, but when this did not work, she vowed never to speak about her wartime experiences. “I was alive but destroyed. I wanted to die. If anyone even touched me, I couldn’t bear it.”  Nevertheless, she was awarded the Croix de Guerre, presented by President De Gaulle.   
She made a telling statement about the partisans’ role in combating an occupation force that applies to today’s fights for liberation: “The essential was not to give in. When you resisted, you were already a victor. You had already won.” (New York Times, Nov. 23)
Madeleine was subsequently befriended by surrealist poet Paul Eluard, who introduced her to a group of artists based in Paris that included Louis Aragon and Pablo Picasso.   
Madeleine later said that she felt Eluard, “Had saved my life.”   “They stopped me from doing myself in, because a lot of Resistance fighters killed themselves after the war.”  
Madeleine was persuaded to publish her first poetry collection entitled, ‘Le Poing Ferme’ (The Closed Fist). Picasso drew the front cover for the collection. She always believed he was a little bit in love with her.   
Years later, an art critic analysed the portrait. “He saw a woman who was still a girl and yet who did not laugh or sparkle like a girl, for she was living with the shadow of what she had so recently experienced in the cells of the Gestapo. Picasso drew the heavy eyelids of a woman who couldn’t forget.”   



Picasso drawing of Madeleine, 1945

She also started working as a journalist for the newspaper ‘Ce Soir’, run by Aragon. At this time, Madeleine married Pierre Daix, a young communist who had been imprisoned in Mauthausen concentration camp during the war.   
The marriage did not last long. “We were both broken.” However, they did have a daughter named Fabienne. Her baby was taken away from her after just twelve days, for fear of it getting TB.  However, Fabienne contracted Madeleine’s tuberculosis and died whilst still very young.  
In Paris, Madeleine met Ho Chi Minh, president of the Provisional Government of Vietnam. She was absolutely inspired by him.  
In 1951, Madeleine met Vietnamese poet Nguyen Dinh Thi at an international youth conference for peace held in Berlin. They fell in love – but he was married with two children.  Soon afterwards, his wife died, so Madeleine moved to Vietnam to live with him. They were married.   
Vietnam was just tumbling into civil war (often called the War of Independence). By now, Madeleine was working for the communist newspaper ‘L’Humanite’ – despite claiming to have never read either Marx or Engels. She became their war correspondent.  
Madeleine managed to link up with the Viet Minh, who were the country’s independence fighters. She produced a documentary film entitled ‘Dans le Maquis du Sud-Vietnam.’ She said, “A people who oppress another can never be a free people.”  
After four years, Ho Chi Minh, passed a law which banned mixed marriages.  Madeliene was thrown out of Vietnam and returned to France, although she maintained a long-distance relationship with Nguyen Dinh Thi for over fifty years. Years later, she wrote a poem about him. ‘I hold your shadow in my arms.’   
When the Algerian War broke out, Madeleine was sent to cover the conflict by her newspaper.  The Algerian War of Independence (1954-62) was one of the bloodiest post-1945 liberation struggles. Characterised by civilian massacres and the widespread use of torture, it led to the death and displacement of two million people. It was also the first major conflict since the Spanish Civil War to mobilize a generation of writers and artists to protest against the conduct of the war, most notably in Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth and Gillo Pontecorvo’s The Battle of Algiers. 
In 1960 many of France’s leading writers and intellectuals – including Simon de Beauvoir, Jean-Paul Sartre, André Breton, Pierre Boulez, François Truffaut and Marguerite Duras – signed Le Manifeste des 121, calling on the French government to renounce the use of torture in Algeria. 
Madeleine was appalled at witnessing French paratroopers treating Algerian civilians with immense cruelty. Even worse, she learned captured fighters were being taken to Paris, where they were being tortured in the very same rooms that she had suffered so much at the hands of the Gestapo. She stated how could this be being done in the name of the country she had fought for and loved so much? 
Whilst in Algeria, the car in which Madeleine was travelling, was ambushed when a truck was driven into it. She instinctively put up her right arm to save herself.  Madeleine received serious injuries. Her hands were badly damaged, and she lost a finger. She had a head injury and lost the sight in one eye – and the vision in the other was seriously impaired.  
She had one last major newspaper assignment. Madeleine returned to Vietnam to follow the war with the Americans. She joined up with the Viet Cong and reported from the frontline – giving her newspaper an unusual perspective on the conflict.   
It was reported at the time that the Americans were bombing hospitals and schools. The US Secretary of Defense, Robert McNamara, denied this. Madeleine took hundreds of photographs, providing evidence that proved this destruction was happening. She wrote that the French in Algeria, and the Americans in Vietnam, were behaving in the same way that the Germans had done in France.  
Madeleine was exposed to Agent Orange/Dioxin during the Vietnam  War  after  she walked through southern Vietnamese fields on which the US military sprayed the poisonous chemical. She said that at the time, she, as well as Vietnamese people and soldiers, did not know that the defoliant was capable of causing so much pain and anguish.
Her two books - Dans les acquis de Vietcong (In the Vietcong Underground), published in 1965, and Au Nord du Vietnam, écrit sous les bombes (In North Việt Nam: Written Under the Bombs), 1967, made a significant impact  on  the  world. 
The first earned the 1966 award from the International Organisation of Journalists.  Not only did she support and stand by the Vietnamese people during their past struggle for national liberation, but she also remained unwavering in her commitment to them in national construction.
However, Madeleine’s health was restricting her capabilities. She returned to Paris and gave up journalism, and  became a nursing assistant in a hospital and became an active campaigner for improving the pay and working conditions of carers in the city of Paris writing  a bestselling expose of the drudgery of care assistants in Parisian hospitals .called, ‘Les Linges de la Nuit’, which sold a million copies. 
Fifty years later, she reiterated the same criticisms. After spending twenty-four hours alone on a stretcher in the emergency room, she addressed an open letter to the director of the AP-HP (Paris Public Hospitals) in 2022.  “They thought I was too old to be worth treating? […] Raymond Aubrac asked me to be a voice of the Resistance – so I will be. I still have some strength left, I want to give it away.” 
The ordeals she endured in 1944 and her repeated brushes with death over the years profoundly affected her. To cope with this pain, she underwent various treatments in the postwar years, and then, much later, psychoanalysis, which had a partly didactic dimension. 
In 1994, a museum curator found the poems Madeleine had written whilst in prison. He persuaded her to write a memoir so that the poetry could be put into context. This meant breaking her silence of fifty years. The book was called ‘On l’appelait Rainer’.   
Madeleine would continue to  be be  actively engaged in the activities of the France-Việt Nam Friendship Association,  and supported Vietnamese Agent Orange/dioxin victims, assisted marginalised communities in remote areas of Việt Nam, and encouraged the Vietnamese people in their development and global integration.  
Consequently the Vietnamese State and Government awarded her the first-class Order of Resistance in 1984.This was followed by her being made Chevalier de la Legion d’honneur in 2001 (this was upgraded further in 2013, when she received the ‘Ordre National du Marite’).  
Nguyen Dinh Thi died in 2003.  Madeleine lived alone in her central Paris flat, where she gradually lost her eyesight. It was a fifth-floor apartment with no lift, so she was unable to go outside. She kept exotic birds because she loved to hear them sing. She was also  a chain smoker who loved an occasional gin.  Madeleine admitted she had not  had  a very happy later life – full of agony and suffering. A friend had said of her, “Madeleine wants to take on the suffering of all the crises of the world.”   
In old age  in one of her final interviews, Madeleine was once again asked about the assassination. “Killing someone is a terrible thing to do. It is never good to kill anyone, even an enemy. You should know that.”  She also said, “There is a spirit of resistance. You have it or you don’t. I had it throughout my life.”  
On her one hundredth birthday in August 2024, Madeleine was visited by the Vietnamese Ambassador to France. Madeleine died in her flat, three months later  on  6 November, 2024 after a century of resilience and resistance. 
The large turnout at her funeral reflected the deep affection and support for her courage, resilience, and passionate involvement in supporting the struggles for justice by the Vietnamese people and other oppressed peoples around the world. 
The book 'Resistance Heroism and the End of Empire' by Keren Chiaroni explores the life of Madeleine Riffaud, and her contributions to historical narratives of rebellion in France. It examines significant events in French history through Riffaud's experiences and reflects on the choices individuals face when their beliefs conflict with state authority. The work aims to engage with contemporary discussions on national identity and the role of individual action in a global context.
Long live the memory of Madeleine Riffaud,  a true internationalist and  inspiring  woman.



Wednesday, 5 November 2025

Life is about cycles

 


Life is about cycles—highs and lows, ebbs and flows. Some challenging, some peaceful, some are overwhelming. But to feel the pull and not understand the why but willingly submitting to explore and release can give us strength. 
Everyone it  seems  is currently  at the moment  going through a cycle of being tired, scared, sad or angry. It  would  be  so  good that maybe things change,  we find  balance  and healing. Remember  life  can  be beautiful,  it is the  system that is ugly.
There is  currently  pure injustice all over the world from Congo,  Sudan  to  the Palestine people who  are all living  broken lives.
Remember  there is nothing natural or inevitable about extreme inequality; it’s the result of an economic system that values wealth and power over human dignity and justice,  inequality isn't inevitable. It can be eradicated. 
Anyway this evenings  full moon is going to be the closest, biggest, and brightest of 2025. Known as the Beaver Moon, this full moon gets its name from traditional North American sources, marking the season when beavers prepare for winter and trappers set their last lines before the freeze. It’s long been a symbol of seasonal change and survival. 
Every full moon comes with different emotions, heaviness, lightness and this evenings will  be no exception. Be careful though if venturing out as the tide is very high  tonight,  be mindful  and  hopefully  enjoy the beauty of this bright autumn moon.