Sunday, 16 August 2026

Gaza Cola


Delighted to pop  into  my  local  Oxfam   last  week and see Gaza Cola on the shelves. Gaza Cola is an ethical, Palestinian-owned soft drink sold in select UK Oxfam charity shops. Created in London as a "guilt-free" independent choice symbolizing resistance, unity, and conscious consumerism by filmmaker and activist Osama Qashoo, 100% of the profits from the drink go toward humanitarian aid and community projects in Gaza, such rebuilding Al-Karama Hospital, which was bombed and leveled in northern Gaza. 
Qashoo first had the idea for Gaza Cola in November 2023. The red can features the Palestinian flag, “Gaza Cola” written in Arabic calligraphy, and a pattern riffing on the Palestinian keffiyeh, the scarf often worn as a symbol of resistance.
Produced by Palestine House, a cultural organisation and non profit community interest company in London. Each can of Gaza Cola  not  only represents the values of justice and freedom, it offers an apartheid-free, genocide-free and guilt-free choice.
You’re not only getting a refreshing sip but also helping provide vital medical support to people in Gaza while standing in solidarity with the people of Palestine.
In a land under siege, where hospitals, schools, and factories are systematically destroyed, even a soft drink becomes an act of resistance. Gaza Cola is a Palestinian-led project, created to show that self-determination also means rebuilding economic and social dignity—starting with what we choose to consume every day.  
Gaza Cola is also a response to top-down humanitarian aid: not charity, but real solidarity, fair trade, and grassroots participation. Choosing it means supporting a different vision for Palestine’s future: not just survival, but a life of dignity.
Quench your thirst for justice. Keep  boycotting Coca-Cola and its brands Schweppes, Sprite, Fanta, Innocent, Appletiser, Smart Water and Costa Coffee. 
Remember Coca-Cola franchisee in Israel operates a regional distribution centre in an illegal Israeli settlement. It’s therefore helping to entrench Israel’s military occupation and colonisation of Palestinian land.  Don’t buy Coca Cola. Consumers and businesses  should buy an apartheid-free alternative, such as Gaza Cola.https://gazacolaglobal.com/



Wednesday, 12 August 2026

Lets hope Clacton puts Farage in the Bin and the Bin in Parliament!


Whatever the result of tomorrow's by election in Clacton, it will be an embarassment for Nigel Farage who won't get what he wants no matter the result or how he tries to portray it.  
Due to his own ego and self-interest, taxpayers' money has been wasted on an unnecessary political stunt called in the constituency after Farage decided to quit, not because he'd had enough of politics, for we all know Farage has never really been interested in his constituents, jetting off around the globe to meet the likes of Trump, but because Farage launched a stunt to save his own skin. 
The charlatan has seen his party's poll lead collapse in a number of polls, trailing both the Tories and Labour in the latest YouGov poll, while his party rips itself apart.  Far from the victory that he thought was so inevitable at the next general election, Farage now faces the prospect of a defeat.
He thought the by-election would allow him to reframe the debate and dominate the headlines, instead Farage has found himself wrong footed by political circumstances. 
Whatever the result tomorrow, his party is now trailing in the polls, and his only way out seems to be trying to form a pact with Restore, whose leader he unceremoniously kicked out of Reform in a public feud.  Now he wants us to believe it was not his choice to quit but rather that he was 'forced out by the political establishment'.
Farage maintains he has done nothing wrong and wants to recontest his seat to let voters judge his actions. Nigel Farage’s decision to resign his seat in the Commons and trigger a by-election followed months of political controversy sparked by reports published by The Guardian and the BBC on 29 April. The reports, published days before voting in Council elections in England and in the Scottish Parliament and Welsh Senedd elections, revealed that Farage had received a €5 million gift from Christopher Harborne, a Thailand-based cryptocurrency investor and the wealthiest British-born person on The Sunday Times Rich List  
When the story broke, Farage argued the funds were a gift intended to pay for personal security and a ‘reward’ from Harborne for his leadership in the Brexit campaign. He insisted that there had been no need to declare the funds as he had not been a member of parliament at the time they were received.  
On 30th April, the Electoral Commission indicated that it was contemplating an investigation into the matter. With elections a week off the timing could not have been worse for Farage and the Reform Party.Less than a week after the elections the UK Parliamentary Commissioner for Standards announced its intention to open an investigation into whether Nigel Farage should have declared the money he had received after he had returned to Parliament as an MP in 2024.  
During the Makerfield by-election in June, the Labour Party used the publicity surrounding Harborne’s funding to attack Farage and Reform. The Labour Party chairperson Anna Turley, a long-standing ally of Andy Burnham wrote to Nigel Farage urging him to “stop evading reasonable scrutiny” over the €millions received from Christopher Harborne. In the letter Turley suggested: “It’s time (Farage) ended his deafening silence and came clean with the public as to what’s going on here, he can’t keep dodging questions and changing his story.”  
On 5 July the Sunday Times broke another story on support received by Farage revealing he had been provided with staff, support to boost his social presence, security, and accommodation by George Cotterell. 
Cotterell a British cryptocurrency entrepreneur and a long-standing Farage ally had been convicted by the US authorities in 2017 of wire fraud. Two days later, on 7 July Farage announced that he would vacate his seat to trigger a by-election which he would recontest, saying the “people of Clacton should be the judges of my actions”.    
Immediately after Farage announced his decision something of a consensus began to emerge that he had made a huge  miscalculation. Much of the UK mainstream media were scathing of Farage’s decision portraying it as an act of desperation. 
The by-election was characterised as a ‘circus’ with Farage as ringmaster. The Economist characterised the decision as a blatant attempt to distract. The BBC questioned whether Farage’s resignation was “honourable or a psychological game”.  
The main political parties in the UK decided against contesting the by-election. A labour Party  spokesperson called the by-election a “circus” and made it clear that the Party would not stand a candidate. The Conservative Party leader Kemi Badenoch accused Farage of triggering the by election for his personal advantage rather than to serve the people of Clacton who “deserved better representation” . 
The Conservative Party would not contest the be-election because it would not dance to Nigel Farage’s tune”. In a letter addressed to the voters of Clacton Ms Badenoch accused Farage of calling the by-election “not to help you, but to help himself”, suggesting: “Mr Farage wants the people of Clacton to settle his problems for him”. She promised that when the investigation process has run its course “and there is a genuine contest, we (the Conservatives) will be there”.  
The leader of the Liberal Democrats, Ed Davey said there should be no by-election until the funding accusations against Farage were fully examined. Announcing that his party had decided not to contest the by-election Davey urged all parties to “stand aside and refuse to give oxygen to Farage’s vanity project”.  
The leader of the UK Green Party Zack Polanski. Dismissed the by-election as “a desperate stunt from a desperate politician whose lifetime of grifting is finally catching up with him” and announced “the Greens will play no part in (Farage’s) political circus.But when the major political parties denounced Farage’s move as a political stunt and boycotted the Clacton-on-Sea election in southeastern England, a trash-talking comedian  named  Binface was launched into prime position as default challenger. 
After  the chancellor of the exchequer Rachel Reeves accepted Farage’s resignation, she said: “If he wants to spend the summer arguing with a bin, I won't stop him.”
The man who hopes to be the U.K.’s next prime minister is probably going  to retain his seaside fiefdom of Clacton .but his self-styled “people versus the establishment” electoral gambit is sowing some seeds of discontent even among loyal supporters. Fear of Clacton becoming a “laughing stock” is a common refrain at this  current time  .
Farage, leader of the far-right Reform UK party, faces 33 other candidates in the record-breaking contest in Clacton, but his most prominent challenger is Count Binface, the satirical alter ego of comedian Jon Harvey.  Farage triggered the vote by resigning as Clacton’s member of Parliament on July 7 over mounting scrutiny over his financial affairs. 
The result is expected in the early hours of Friday after polls close at 10 p.m. Thursday.  The only published poll of the constituency, conducted by Survation in July, put Farage at 73% and Binface at 20%.  
Farage, who has framed the investigation  into  him  as an “establishment hit job” and a media-driven “witch-hunt,” argues that the voters who elected him should decide whether he did anything wrong.  
“The people of Clacton should be the judges of my actions,” he said. “This will be a people versus the establishment by-election.”  
But the absence of the main parties has weakened that argument.  Instead, the ballot includes a collection of smaller parties, independents and novelty candidates, producing a record 34-person field.  
Count Binface, who has run against prime ministers past and present, was the first to throw his bucket in the ring when Reform UK leader Nigel Farage abruptly quit Parliament and said he would seek re-election to clear his name over financial allegations. 
 “Game on, Nige,” Binface declared soon after Farage, portraying himself as the victim of a witch hunt, said he would represent the people against the establishment.  
And  as the major political parties denounced Farage’s move as a political stunt and boycotted the Clacton-on-Sea election in southeastern England, the trash-talking comedian was launched into prime position as default challenger. He has been on a nonstop media blitz since.  “I’m the only fresh thing on the menu,” Binface told The Associated Press on a day of interviews with reporters from Japan, the Netherlands, Italy and Germany. “You’re all sick of these politicians, as good as they’re trying to be, but you know you need something different, a little bit of secret sauce.”  
Under Binface’s black cape, rubbish bin and ample body armor that looks straight out of a low-budget sci-fi film is a middle-aged comedian named Jon Harvey trying to keep his cool during a sweaty summer.  You’d never know who was in there from talking to his alter ego. Binface never breaks character, and he delivers snarky ripostes when challenged to lift the lid.  “Has anyone here seen ‘Return of the Jedi’?” he asked a BBC host in reference to the “Star Wars” sequel in which Darth Vader is unmasked. “Nobody wants to know what’s under the recycling. ... It’s absolutely putrefying.”  
Harvey is a married father of two who grew up in London and studied the classics at Oxford. He has been a TV writer on the political comedy “The Thick of It” and the humorous news quiz “Have I Got News for You.” He’s the author of a sports memoir written after his brother’s death, as well as Binface’s memoir: “What on Earth? An Alien’s Guide to Fixing Britain.”  
In a country where almost any adult citizen can run for office — regardless of where they live — eccentric candidates are a celebrated electoral tradition. On the 3-foot-long Clacton ballot, there are no fewer than three members of the Monster Raving Loony Party, including Nick the Incredible Flying Brick and Baron von Thunderclap.  
Harvey’s turn in politics began almost a decade ago when he blasted to Earth from the so-called planet of Sigma IX as Lord Buckethead to run for the House of Commons seat then held by Conservative Prime Minister Theresa May. She won handily, but Binface rocketed to fame and landed on “Last Week Tonight with John Oliver.”  
But the use of Buckethead, borrowed from a “Star Wars” parody, ended in “an unfortunate battle on the planet Copyright.” He was reincarnated as Binface to take on Prime Ministers Boris Johnson and Rishi Sunak.  
He twice challenged London Mayor Sadiq Khan, who proclaimed in his 2024 victory speech that he was the first person in British politics to win successive victories over Binface.  “Believe me, he made me work hard for it,” Khan quipped.  
In June, Binface lost a parliamentary special election to Andy Burnham, who quickly replaced Keir Starmer as prime minister when Starmer was forced out after Farage’s party battered his Labour Party in local and regional elections.  
Binface, leader of the “Recyclons” on his home planet, continues to reuse items of past campaign manifestos that feature a mix of absurd and hyperlocal policy offerings that don’t necessarily resonate with a global audience.  
Among the more relatable points, he promises to “cut your taxes, and raise everyone else’s,” build one affordable home and nationalize singer Adele. One item that has raised some eyebrows is a vow to relocate the hand dryer in the men’s restroom at the Crown & Treaty pub in Uxbridge to a more sensible location. 
 “Do you want to be using the urinal and have another human blasting your bits with insanely hot air?” he said.  His main selling point is that he’s not Farage, though he has opted not to directly attack his main opponent. Instead, his platform takes not-so-subtle digs at the populist often pictured with a pint of beer.  
In reference to the gift Farage didn’t declare when he was elected, which is the source of a parliamentary investigation, Binface said he would not accept 5 million-pound ($6.7 million) gifts from “crypto billionaires (on Earth).” 
He would also bar members of Parliament who resign midterm from running in the subsequent by-elections and promised to spend more time in Clacton than Washington, D.C., a reference to Farage’s trips to the U.S., where he considers President Donald Trump an ally.  Binface, if elected, has no interest in dealing with Trump: “He’s awful.” But he would “love to cement” the so-called special relationship between Britain and the U.S. “with a galactic union.”  “You’ve still got the Atlantic Ocean. I can’t do much about that, but yes, I’d love to foster better relations,” he said.
With Farage’s popularity collapsing across the country, Britons nationally want a victory for Count  Binface  and to  me  this makes  perfect  sense, I of  course,  fully endorse and  hope  that  Count Binface can  hand Farage the most humiliating defeat in British political history and  end  his  political  career  for  good.  
There are people in the UK who don’t know where their next meal is coming from and Farage this fraudulent grifter is trying to tell us he has our backs and understands.Farage  has  no  actual policies, he  only  offers  a  lot  of  noise, with no  substance  at  all.
His  party is off the scale - of corruption, of advertising spending, of lies and propaganda, of departure from any semblance of the truth. Nigel Farage would also  like to have voters believe that he is "anti-Establishment". But you only have to look at the wealth within Reform's leadership team (Nigel Farage, Richard Tice and Zia Yusuf are all millionaires or multi-millionaires) and how many Tory defectors the party has absorbed to know that's not true. 
Fuck off  Farage we don’t need your faux fawning and divisive hate. Your just  a stooge. I refuse to support a fake, opportunist, con artist playing a politician, fighting a bin, while his little band of sycophants are frantically posting their support as though the fate of Western civilisation depends on it.  
The rest of us are simply waiting for this charade to finish so the standard probe into Farage can get back underway. Tomorrow lets hope Claction puts Farage in the Bin and the Bin in  Parliament!  
Whatever happens on Thursday Farage will always be remembered as the guy who had to throw everything at it to beat a man with a bin on his head,  and once the people of Clacton have voted, they’ll never see Farage  again  as he will be off to the USA again to suck up to Trump.
Even  if  this conman grifter who has done nothing for Clactonians  wins  the by-election,  hopefully  it will mark the beginning of the end for Farage and Reform and it couldn’t happen to a nastier more divisive lying party.

Tuesday, 11 August 2026

Celebrating the life of Rebel Poet Hugh MacDiarmid (11 August 1892 – 9 September 1978)

 

Hugh MacDiarmid the pseudonym of Christopher Murray Grieve one of the most important poets in Scottish history was born on August 11, 1892, in Langholm, Dumfriesshire where his father worked as a postman . 
He attended school at Langholm Academy, and among his teachers was the composer Francis George Scott, who would later set many of Hugh MacDiarmid's lyrics to music. From Langholm, Grieve moved on to become a student-teacher at a school in Edinburgh. Here his literary abilities were recognised and encouraged by George Ogilvie, whose played an influential part in Grieve's life for many years. 
Having entered journalism, he began his writing career as a journalist in Wales,contributing to the socialist newspaper The Merthyr Pioneer run by Labour party founder Keir Hardie.
He  enlisted  in the Royal Army Medical Corps in 1915  serving  as a non-combatant in Salonika, Greece and France.  As a soldier in the war, he developed both an intense hatred of the British empire as well as a profound sympathy for his fellow Celts, especially the Irish, whose leaders were being killed in the wake of the Easter Rising: “The picture of Casement hanged, and Connolly taken out on a stretcher to be executed, are two of the great rallying points of my spirit in its eternal and immeasurable hatred of everything English”.
He survived the war and was relieved from service suffering from cerebral malaria. He survived that and became a full-time journalist in Scotland, and married Margaret  Skinner. The  couple  settled  in  Montrose  where  Grieve  worked  for the Montrose Review, becoming also a town councillor and Justice of the Peace. 
It was in Montrose in 1922 that Grieve created MacDiarmid, the most famous  of  his  many  pseudonyms. Other pseudonyms used by MacDiarmid included Isobel Guthrie, A.K. Laidlaw, Arthur Leslie, Gillechriosd Mac a’Greidhir and James Maclaren.
As editor and publisher he produced the anthology Northern Numbers (1920−2), and  the  magazines  Scottish  Chapbook  (1922−3),  Scottish  Nation  (1923)  and  Northern  Review  (1924). His  first  published  work  as  author,  Annals  of  the  Five  Senses,  a  collection  of  avant-garde  short  stories  and  poetry,  appeared  under his family name of Grieve in 1923. However he found his true voice as the poet Hugh MacDiarmid when, influenced by Jamieson’s Etymological Dictionary  of  the  Scottish  Language,  he  began  to  write  experimental  lyrics  in  Scots. 
According to Douglas F. Young, even at this early stage in his career, there was an expressed ambition in MacDiarmid to place his poetic talents at the service of Scottish independence:  The whole issue of political nationalism in Scotland at this time was linked with the question of nationalism in literature. Thus MacDiarmid, with his faith in the individuality of the Scottish people, was leading a campaign for the revival of a national literature which would reflect this Scottish individuality and would be written in a language distinctively Scottish.
In the 1920s, MacDiarmid rejected English in favour of Lallans, a hybrid or ‘synthetic’ Scots, in which he wrote his masterpieces Sangschaw (1925), Penny Wheep (1926),and  A Drunk Man Looks at the Thistle (1926) His mission was nothing less than the cultural reawakening of a Scotland he saw mired in material and spiritual poverty – a tartan-waving, kilted-kitsch, Burns-night parody of itself distracted by football and religion.  
MacDiarmid hurled poetic abuse not at Robert Burns https://teifidancer-teifidancer.blogspot.com/2021/01/celebrating-radical-robbie-burns.html but at the Burns night celebrants who ignored the realities of Scotlands’s social deprivation and the work and words of Burns himself. 
 “Mair nonsense has been uttered in his name/ Than in ony’s barrin liberty and Christ.”  (More nonsense has been uttered in his name/ Than in anyone’s barring liberty and Christ.)  He castigated the self-satisfied and sentimental Burns nighters for their ignorance of the language. He argued: “No wan in fifty kens a wurd Burns wrote.”   
Soon recognized as the major Scots-language poet since Burns, MacDiarmid inspired other poets such as Sydney Goodsir Smith and William Soutar to take up Scots as a literary medium.His attempt to establish a unified and standardised written form of Scots, in order to prevent a shift toward Standard English writing, met with approval as well as criticism. Poet Edwin Muir https://teifidancer-teifidancer.blogspot.com/2013/02/edwin-muir-1551887-3159-orkneys.htmlwas particularly opposed to his use of Lallans, believing that “Scotland can only create a national literature by writing in English”. In the 1930s, however, MacDiarmid ret urned to English,claiming it to be a superior medium for expression. 
In 1931 MacDiarmid's highly influential poem First hymn to Lenin was published. In the same year his wartime marriage ended in divorce, and he suffered extreme psychological alienation and physical breakdown. 
Grieve then  married his second wife, Valda Trevlyn  and in 1933 the Grieves moved  to  the island of Whalsay in Shetland,  with  their young son  Michael where they would live for the next nine years. 
The family stayed in a few temporary houses before settling down in a humble little cottage at Sodom. This cottage was to be their home for the next nine years. Christopher was not a practical man, and on an island where almost everybody did demanding physical work to survive, he was seen as something as an oddity. The family were often helped by the Whalsay folk. People gave them food and, on one occasion, a man called Walter Robertson tried to teach Christopher how to cast peats. It was not a success. The Grieves lived in poverty for most of their time on the isle.  
Christopher came to be called ‘Aald Grieves’ by his neighbours, but he is better known to the world by his nom de plume Hugh MacDiarmid, one of the most revered and controversial poets Scotland has ever produced.  
The Whalsay people thought Christopher didn’t do much in the way of real work. But, in his nine Shetland years, MacDiarmid spent thousands of hours with a pen in his hand, writing long, complex poems that were sometimes inspired by the rocky landscapes he encountered in the isles. 
In 1934 Grieve/MacDiarmid published three books: Scottish Scene, in collaboration with Lewis Grassic Gibbon; a collection of essays, At the Sign of the Thistle; and in Stony Limits (1934) and Second Hymn to Lenin (1935), in  which  he rejected the lyricism of his early volumes in a favour of an austere, philosophical diction. 
The latter including a critical poetic dialogue with the Soviet leader on the complementary relationship between poetry and politics:  Ah, Lenin, you were richt. But I’m a poet (And you c’ud make allowances for that!) Aimin’ at mair than you aimed at Tho’ yours comes first, I know it.  …  Are my poems spoken in the factories and fields, In the streets o’ the toon? Gin they’re no, then I’m failin’ to dae What I ocht to ha’ dune. Gin I canna win through to the man in the street, The wife by the hearth, A’ the cleverness on earth’ll no’ mak’ up For the damnable dearth.  …  Wi’ Lenin’s vision equal poet’s gift And what unparalleled force was there! Nocht in a’ literature wi’ that Begins to compare.
Although an uncompromising advocate of class struggle, MacDiarmid always expressed strong pacifist feelings in his poetry, not least in reaction to the murderous waste of the lives of young Scottish soldiers who had made up the backbone of the imperial British army since the early nineteenth century.
A Drunk Man Looks at the Thistle”, which MacDiarmid published in 1926  is a  long highly experimental modernist work, written in sometimes obscure Scots dialect, containing  a wide-ranging meditation on the condition of contemporary Scotland,
It has been singled out as MacDiarmid’s most sustained, if challenging, poetic achievement, on a par with Finnegan’s Wake by James Joyce, the Irish writer he most admired. Here’s an excerpt where he gives what for to Burns fans. 

You canna gang to a Burns supper even 
Wi’oot some wizened scrunt o’ a knock-knee 
Chinee turns roon to say, “Him Haggis—velly goot!” 
And ten to wan the piper is a Cockney.  

No’ wan in fifty kens a wurd 
Burns wrote But misapplied is a’body’s property,
And gin there was his like alive the day 
They’d be the last a kennin’ haund to gie—  

Croose London Scotties wi’ their braw shirt fronts 
And a’ their fancy freen’s, rejoicin’ 
That similah gatherings in Timbuctoo,
Bagdad—and Hell, nae doot—are voicin’ 

Burns’ sentiments o’ universal love, 
In pidgin’ English or in wild-fowl Scots, 
And toastin’ ane wha’s nocht to them but an 
Excuse for faitherin’ Genius wi’ their thochts.  

You  can  listen to the full  poem  here. 


In 1936 Grieve's book Scottish Eccentrics was published, with the glaring omission, a friend commented, of a chapter on Grieve/MacDiarmid himself. And in 1939 he published The Islands of Scotland, a personal view of the Hebrides, Orkney, and Shetland. 
Hugh MacDiarmid remains a controversial and influential figure. Turbulence was a feature of all aspects of MacDiarmid’s life. He flirted with fascism and in 1923 wrote two essays entitled 'A Plea for a Scottish Fascism' and 'A Programme for Scottish Fascism' both of which seemed to praise Italian dictator Benito Mussolini. But by 1928 he was a member of the Communist Party of Great Britain.  That same year, he founded the National Party of Scotland but was ironically booted out both that and the Communist Party for being a member of the other. 
At one time MacDiarmid believed that a Nazi invasion of Britain would benefit Scotland. In June 1940, he wrote to fellow communist Sorley MacLean: “Although the Germans are appalling enough, they cannot win, but the British and French bourgeoisie can and they are a far greater enemy. If the Germans win they could not hold their gain for long, but if the French and British win it will be infinitely more difficult to get rid of them.”    
In a letter sent in April 1941, he wrote: “On balance I regard the Axis powers, tho’ more violently evil for the time being, less dangerous than our own government in the long run and indistinguishable in purpose.”  
He was prone to extremes and sometimes to extremist and absurdist positions. In a posthumously published poem he posed the question:  “Is a Mussolini or a Hitler / Worse than a Bevin or a Morrison”? – referring to Britain’s wartime Minister of Labour and Home Secretary – democratic socialists who believed in, and fought for, the welfare state.   
George Orwell  named him as a Stalinist and put him on his 1949 list of “crypto-communists” and “fellow travellers”and was under surveillance by MI5 for many years. In a poem published after his death, he expresses indifference to the Nazi bombing of London.  MacDiarmid had a pattern of firing off positions, opinions, ideas, and antagonisms
His autobiography, published in 1943 was entitled Lucky poet: a Self-Study in Literature and Political Ideas. It was a highly individual book, combining prose and poetry in a way that many found irritating, but most also found fascinating.  
MacDiarmid’s anti-war feelings are perhaps more accessibly expressed also in a number of shorter poems in English, such as “The War Memorial”, inspired by the sight of the grey stone cenotaphs raised in almost every town and village in Scotland to remember the war dead – and forget those who survived:  We knew them – queer that side by side in the ranks The immortal heroes alone should all have been slain And only the worthless, the unemployables, the scum Like us spared to come home again.  …  They make a fine fuss about them now they are dead; If they’d survived it would be a different story. They would be treated just as we are, like dirt, With no bunkum at all about honour and glory.
During the Second World War, MacDiarmid expressed similar concerns about the continuing sacrifice of Scottish people. In one such poem, “German Bombers”, written during the Blitz attacks on British cities, he noted the glaring discrepancies between north and south. Unlike around London, there were no air-raid defences to protect the inhabitants of Edinburgh, the Scottish capital:  The German bombers came up the Forth And unchallenged all day o’er Edinburgh flew While not in Edinburgh but only in London The air-raid warning siren blew.  …  The English don’t give a curse so long as England’s all right, And from Scotland to that end withdraw all Scotland’s might On lying pretexts, while the Scots themselves, poor fools, Are content in Scotland’s betrayal to be England’s tools.
Historically, the collective punishment of Scottish people at the hands of the English was made bitterly clear during what became known as the “Highland Clearances”. After the union with England in 1707, there were several uprisings in the Highlands by the Scots who fought to regain their independence. However, after the decisive victory over the rebellious clans at the battle of Culloden (1746), https://teifidancer-teifidancer.blogspot.com/2013/04/culloden-shoulder-of-lamentation.html the English proceeded to physically clear the Highlands of its inhabitants in what can only be described state-sponsored genocide. English soldiers marched through the glens burning homes, raping and murdering their occupants. 
In the nineteenth century this barbaric policy of ethnic cleansing continued with the remainder of the Highlanders either recruited by the army or shipped off to the colonies. It is disturbing to note that there were more people living in the Highlands in the 1700s than there are today. Moreover, in the last waves of evictions, the people were often betrayed by their own landowning lairds, as John Prebble concludes in his comprehensive historical documentation of these tragic events:  At Culloden, and during the military occupation of the glens, the British government first defeated a tribal uprising and then destroyed the society that had made it possible. The exploitation of the country during the next hundred years was within the same pattern of colonial development – new economies introduced for the greater wealth of the few, and the unproductive obstacle of a native population removed or reduced. In the beginning the men who imposed the change were of the same blood, tongue and family as the people. They used the advantages given them by the old society to profit from the new, but in the end they were gone with their clans.  The Lowlander has inherited the hills, and the tartan is a shroud.
Living for long periods on the “cleared” Shetland Islands, MacDiarmid became fully aware of this historic crime perpetrated by an unholy alliance between English and Scottish capitalists. In his own poetic response to this national tragedy, MacDiarmid reached out to the ordinary Scots folk, those who more often than not found themselves on the violent receiving end of history.  
MacDiarmid’s Scottish nationalism was always grounded in democratic socialism. It was this ideological combination that transformed his Celtic individualism into revolutionary activism. His poetry could therefore be both lyrical, elevating the everyday “speak” of the people, as well as agitational, summoning the nation to break the chains of foreign domination. After the last clan rebellion of the eighteenth century, the speaking of Gaelic, the wearing of the kilt and playing the bagpipes were all banned by the British government as representing symbolic acts of war. 
It is not surprising therefore that a movement of historically informed cultural resistance has surfaced today in the form of speaking Gaelic (a language development MacDiarmid always hoped for) as part of a new and defiant Scottish political identity.  
MacDiarmid’s own radical working-class sensibilities continued to be refined throughout his adult life – as a soldier, a schoolteacher, a journalist and factory worker living in Glasgow. As a poet however, he remained relatively isolated, marginalized by the literary establishment in Edinburgh and London. Most of his work appeared in small literary magazines or in anthologies with limited editions. It wasn’t until later that he began to receive some critical (and economic) recognition.
However, his maverick amalgamation of Marxism and radical nationalism always made him an awkward public figure, as he himself admitted in his autobiographical poem “The Outlaw”:  I am the outlawed conscience of Scotland, The voice that must not be heard, The bane of all time-servers and trimmers, Helot-usurpers of the true aristocracy of awareness.
He stood for the SNP in the 1945 general election for Kelvingrove South, winning 1,314 votes, and five years later as an independent, being backed by just 639 voters. He stood for the Communist Party in the 1964 general election against Prime Minister Alec Douglas-Home in Kinross and West Perthshire but managed less than 130 votes. 
 TV footage of him in the 1970s shows him boasting about being an Anglophobe - someone with a strong dislike of the English. In a conversation about devolution, he also claimed Scottish voters don't "know what they want".  he added: "...until quite recently Scottish schools, colleges and universities had no courses in Scotland literature or the Scottish languages. Now, we're entirely conditioned by English standards.  "I want to break away from that, I want complete disjunction from England. I appeared in Who's Who for the last 40 years or so and given my hobby as Anglophobia. That's not a Scottish peculiarity. It's common all over the world.
The white rose sported by SNP MPs comes from MacDiarmid's poem The Little White Rose. One line states: "The rose of all the world is not for me. I want for my part. Only the little white rose of Scotland. That smells sharp and sweet—and breaks the heart."
As a follower of the Scottish revolutionary socialist John Maclean, he saw no contradiction between international socialism and the nationalist vision of a Scottish workers' republic, but this ensured a fraught relationship with organized political parties.
MacDiarmid described MacLean as “the greatest leader of the working class of Scotland have yet had”. In a speech commemorating his early death in 1923, MacDiarmid celebrated MacLean as a revolutionary whose socialist vision remained an essential point of departure for the struggle for an independent Scotland:  He was not a straw man blown hither and thither by the wind of party politics. He had the supreme disqualification of thinking for himself on the basis of a thorough grasp of Marxist philosophy. The most advanced elements of the working class in Scotland owe him an enormous debt. Whether they like it or not they are going to have to discharge that debt now – or suffer the consequences. There is no other way. John MacLean was far in advance of his time. But he died over fifty years ago – and only now is an important section of socialist thought in Scotland beginning to catch up with him. It is not too late.
In his poem, “Talking with Five Thousand People in Edinburgh”, MacDiarmid defined his own ideological position as that of a nonconformist Marxist, a status he cultivated throughout his life. It was clearly a radical space he thought necessary to both his poetry and his politics: For I am like Zamyatin. I must be a Bolshevik Before the Revolution, but I’ll cease to be one quick When Communism comes to rule the roost, For real literature can exist only where it’s produced, By madmen, hermits, heretics, Dreamers, rebels, skeptics, And such a door of utterance has been given to me As none may close whosoever they be.
In his post-war poetry, he increasingly shunned the personal and subjective in favour of open-ended epics such as In Memoriam James Joyce (1955) and The Kind of Poetry I Want (1961) which celebrated political and scientific materialism. 
In all Grieve/MacDiarmid published around 30 books and many shorter works and articles. The poetry he produced in his later life is often viewed as difficult and inaccessible, but brilliant. The two volume Complete Poems, published after Grieve's death, ran to 1500 pages.  
MacDiarmid continued to inspire younger Scottish poets and in the 1950s and 1960s was at the heart of the group, including Sydney Goodsir Smith, Norman MacCaig and George Mackay Brown, which met in Edinburgh's legendary literary pub, Milne's Bar.  
To his enemies, MacDiarmid’s adoption of a Scottish language was as fabricated as his name; he was a false prophet; an apologist for dictators and a stooge of tyranny. To his supporters, he was a champion of authentic Scottish culture and of the revival of national pride based not on tartan-waving mythology but on reality and a vision of a better future that was both nationalist and internationalist. 
For all his faults, it was he who proved great literature could still be crafted from the Scots dialect; he catalysed pride in a distinctively Scots culture that was in danger of being swamped  and he was also a very talented poet. 
He lived in relative poverty for most of his long life. and moved with his wife to Biggar in 1951 and that was where died on on 9th September 1978  of cancer on 9 September, 1978, in Chalmers Hospital, Edinburgh..
Christopher Murray Grieve was buried at Langholm. To the east of the town a minor road climbs steeply out of the valley. As it crosses Whita Yett, a short path from a parking place leads to the striking memorial to Hugh MacDiarmid. The memorial is the work of Jake Harvey and was unveiled on 11 August 1985. Made of steel and bronze, it is in the form of an open book, highly decorated with images from MacDiarmid's poetry. 
Nearby is a cairn carrying a verse by MacDiarmid and noting that "Christopher Murray Grieve (Hugh MacDiarmid) was a man of Langholm, a champion of Scotland, a fervent internationalist and one of the great poets of the world."  MacDiarmid remains an important figure among Scottish literary circles as well as among nationalists  for reviving and renewing Scots as a poetic language.


Margaret Tate‘s sympathetic 1964 film portrait captures the essence of MacDiarmid. Seen in a domestic setting (and in evocative black-and-white), he reads three short poems, “You Know Who I Am”, “Somersault”, and “Krang”, along with some lines from “The Kind of Poetry I Want”. (the music in the film is Francis George Scott‘s setting of MacDiarmid’s “The Eemis Stane”, sung by Duncan Robertson with piano accompaniment by Olive Ogsten).


Here  is  a profile from 1972 of Hugh MacDiarmid on the occasion of his 80th birthday. In this film he talks about his uncompromising life and the ideas and circumstances that have shaped its progress.


Friday, 7 August 2026

Resistance is


Ascending to the Sky" (2023) by an extraordinary Palestinian artist whose story and work are pure defiance and beauty: Mohammed Al Rakou

Resistance is having hope
Resistance is sowing  love 
Reistance is being kind 
Resistance is sharing 
Resistance is knowing thyself
Resistance is opposing  fascism
Resistance is speaking aganst injustice
Resistance is speaking up 
Resistance is raising  awareness
Resistance is doing  something 
Resistance is not  indifference 
Resistance is standing against power 
Resistance is carried with strength  
Resistance is freedom unbroken
Resustance is a defiant lifeforce 
Resistance is a carrier of dream
Resistance is holding fast to humanity
Resistance is an act of rebellion"
Resistance is now, and  so necessary
Resistance traverses  all  borders
Resistance is a force for good
Resistance is steadfast never surrenders.