Celebrating the life of Rebel Poet Hugh MacDiarmid (11 August 1892 – 9 September 1978)

 

Hugh MacDiarmid the pseudonym of Christopher Murray Grieve one of the most important poets in Scottish history was born on August 11, 1892, in Langholm, Dumfriesshire where his father worked as a postman . 

He attended school at Langholm Academy, and among his teachers was the composer Francis George Scott, who would later set many of Hugh MacDiarmid's lyrics to music. From Langholm, Grieve moved on to become a student-teacher at a school in Edinburgh. Here his literary abilities were recognised and encouraged by George Ogilvie, whose played an influential part in Grieve's life for many years. 

Having entered journalism, he began his writing career as a journalist in Wales,contributing to the socialist newspaper The Merthyr Pioneer run by Labour party founder Keir Hardie.

He  enlisted  in the Royal Army Medical Corps in 1915  serving  as a non-combatant in Salonika, Greece and France.  As a soldier in the war, he developed both an intense hatred of the British empire as well as a profound sympathy for his fellow Celts, especially the Irish, whose leaders were being killed in the wake of the Easter Rising: “The picture of Casement hanged, and Connolly taken out on a stretcher to be executed, are two of the great rallying points of my spirit in its eternal and immeasurable hatred of everything English”.

He survived the war and was relieved from service suffering from cerebral malaria. He survived that and became a full-time journalist in Scotland, and married Margaret  Skinner. The  couple  settled  in  Montrose  where  Grieve  worked  for the Montrose Review, becoming also a town councillor and Justice of the Peace. 

It was in Montrose in 1922 that Grieve created MacDiarmid, the most famous  of  his  many  pseudonyms. Other pseudonyms used by MacDiarmid included Isobel Guthrie, A.K. Laidlaw, Arthur Leslie, Gillechriosd Mac a’Greidhir and James Maclaren.

As editor and publisher he produced the anthology Northern Numbers (1920−2), and  the  magazines  Scottish  Chapbook  (1922−3),  Scottish  Nation  (1923)  and  Northern  Review  (1924). His  first  published  work  as  author,  Annals  of  the  Five  Senses,  a  collection  of  avant-garde  short  stories  and  poetry,  appeared  under his family name of Grieve in 1923. However he found his true voice as the poet Hugh MacDiarmid when, influenced by Jamieson’s Etymological Dictionary  of  the  Scottish  Language,  he  began  to  write  experimental  lyrics  in  Scots. 

According to Douglas F. Young, even at this early stage in his career, there was an expressed ambition in MacDiarmid to place his poetic talents at the service of Scottish independence:  The whole issue of political nationalism in Scotland at this time was linked with the question of nationalism in literature. Thus MacDiarmid, with his faith in the individuality of the Scottish people, was leading a campaign for the revival of a national literature which would reflect this Scottish individuality and would be written in a language distinctively Scottish.

In the 1920s, MacDiarmid rejected English in favour of Lallans, a hybrid or ‘synthetic’ Scots, in which he wrote his masterpieces Sangschaw (1925), Penny Wheep (1926),and  A Drunk Man Looks at the Thistle (1926) His mission was nothing less than the cultural reawakening of a Scotland he saw mired in material and spiritual poverty – a tartan-waving, kilted-kitsch, Burns-night parody of itself distracted by football and religion.  

MacDiarmid hurled poetic abuse not at Robert Burns https://teifidancer-teifidancer.blogspot.com/2021/01/celebrating-radical-robbie-burns.html but at the Burns night celebrants who ignored the realities of Scotlands’s social deprivation and the work and words of Burns himself. 

 “Mair nonsense has been uttered in his name/ Than in ony’s barrin liberty and Christ.”  (More nonsense has been uttered in his name/ Than in anyone’s barring liberty and Christ.)  He castigated the self-satisfied and sentimental Burns nighters for their ignorance of the language. He argued: “No wan in fifty kens a wurd Burns wrote.”   

Soon recognized as the major Scots-language poet since Burns, MacDiarmid inspired other poets such as Sydney Goodsir Smith and William Soutar to take up Scots as a literary medium.His attempt to establish a unified and standardised written form of Scots, in order to prevent a shift toward Standard English writing, met with approval as well as criticism. Poet Edwin Muir https://teifidancer-teifidancer.blogspot.com/2013/02/edwin-muir-1551887-3159-orkneys.htmlwas particularly opposed to his use of Lallans, believing that “Scotland can only create a national literature by writing in English”. In the 1930s, however, MacDiarmid ret urned to English,claiming it to be a superior medium for expression. 

In 1931 MacDiarmid's highly influential poem First hymn to Lenin was published. In the same year his wartime marriage ended in divorce, and he suffered extreme psychological alienation and physical breakdown. 

Grieve then  married his second wife, Valda Trevlyn  and in 1933 the Grieves moved  to  the island of Whalsay in Shetland,  with  their young son  Michael where they would live for the next nine years. 

The family stayed in a few temporary houses before settling down in a humble little cottage at Sodom. This cottage was to be their home for the next nine years. Christopher was not a practical man, and on an island where almost everybody did demanding physical work to survive, he was seen as something as an oddity. The family were often helped by the Whalsay folk. People gave them food and, on one occasion, a man called Walter Robertson tried to teach Christopher how to cast peats. It was not a success. The Grieves lived in poverty for most of their time on the isle.  

Christopher came to be called ‘Aald Grieves’ by his neighbours, but he is better known to the world by his nom de plume Hugh MacDiarmid, one of the most revered and controversial poets Scotland has ever produced.  

The Whalsay people thought Christopher didn’t do much in the way of real work. But, in his nine Shetland years, MacDiarmid spent thousands of hours with a pen in his hand, writing long, complex poems that were sometimes inspired by the rocky landscapes he encountered in the isles. 

In 1934 Grieve/MacDiarmid published three books: Scottish Scene, in collaboration with Lewis Grassic Gibbon; a collection of essays, At the Sign of the Thistle; and in Stony Limits (1934) and Second Hymn to Lenin (1935), in  which  he rejected the lyricism of his early volumes in a favour of an austere, philosophical diction. 

The latter including a critical poetic dialogue with the Soviet leader on the complementary relationship between poetry and politics:  Ah, Lenin, you were richt. But I’m a poet (And you c’ud make allowances for that!) Aimin’ at mair than you aimed at Tho’ yours comes first, I know it.  …  Are my poems spoken in the factories and fields, In the streets o’ the toon? Gin they’re no, then I’m failin’ to dae What I ocht to ha’ dune. Gin I canna win through to the man in the street, The wife by the hearth, A’ the cleverness on earth’ll no’ mak’ up For the damnable dearth.  …  Wi’ Lenin’s vision equal poet’s gift And what unparalleled force was there! Nocht in a’ literature wi’ that Begins to compare.

Although an uncompromising advocate of class struggle, MacDiarmid always expressed strong pacifist feelings in his poetry, not least in reaction to the murderous waste of the lives of young Scottish soldiers who had made up the backbone of the imperial British army since the early nineteenth century.

“A Drunk Man Looks at the Thistle”, which MacDiarmid published in 1926  is a  long highly experimental modernist work, written in sometimes obscure Scots dialect, containing  a wide-ranging meditation on the condition of contemporary Scotland,

It has been singled out as MacDiarmid’s most sustained, if challenging, poetic achievement, on a par with Finnegan’s Wake by James Joyce, the Irish writer he most admired. Here’s an excerpt where he gives what for to Burns fans. 

You canna gang to a Burns supper even 

Wi’oot some wizened scrunt o’ a knock-knee 

Chinee turns roon to say, “Him Haggis—velly goot!” 

And ten to wan the piper is a Cockney.  

No’ wan in fifty kens a wurd 

Burns wrote But misapplied is a’body’s property,

And gin there was his like alive the day 

They’d be the last a kennin’ haund to gie—  

Croose London Scotties wi’ their braw shirt fronts 

And a’ their fancy freen’s, rejoicin’ 

That similah gatherings in Timbuctoo,

Bagdad—and Hell, nae doot—are voicin’ 

Burns’ sentiments o’ universal love, 

In pidgin’ English or in wild-fowl Scots, 

And toastin’ ane wha’s nocht to them but an 

Excuse for faitherin’ Genius wi’ their thochts.  

You  can  listen to the full  poem  here. 

In 1936 Grieve's book Scottish Eccentrics was published, with the glaring omission, a friend commented, of a chapter on Grieve/MacDiarmid himself. And in 1939 he published The Islands of Scotland, a personal view of the Hebrides, Orkney, and Shetland. 

Hugh MacDiarmid remains a controversial and influential figure. Turbulence was a feature of all aspects of MacDiarmid’s life. He flirted with fascism and in 1923 wrote two essays entitled 'A Plea for a Scottish Fascism' and 'A Programme for Scottish Fascism' both of which seemed to praise Italian dictator Benito Mussolini. But by 1928 he was a member of the Communist Party of Great Britain.  That same year, he founded the National Party of Scotland but was ironically booted out both that and the Communist Party for being a member of the other. 

At one time MacDiarmid believed that a Nazi invasion of Britain would benefit Scotland. In June 1940, he wrote to fellow communist Sorley MacLean: “Although the Germans are appalling enough, they cannot win, but the British and French bourgeoisie can and they are a far greater enemy. If the Germans win they could not hold their gain for long, but if the French and British win it will be infinitely more difficult to get rid of them.”    

In a letter sent in April 1941, he wrote: “On balance I regard the Axis powers, tho’ more violently evil for the time being, less dangerous than our own government in the long run and indistinguishable in purpose.”  

He was prone to extremes and sometimes to extremist and absurdist positions. In a posthumously published poem he posed the question:  “Is a Mussolini or a Hitler / Worse than a Bevin or a Morrison”? – referring to Britain’s wartime Minister of Labour and Home Secretary – democratic socialists who believed in, and fought for, the welfare state.   

George Orwell  named him as a Stalinist and put him on his 1949 list of “crypto-communists” and “fellow travellers”and was under surveillance by MI5 for many years. In a poem published after his death, he expresses indifference to the Nazi bombing of London.  MacDiarmid had a pattern of firing off positions, opinions, ideas, and antagonisms

His autobiography, published in 1943 was entitled Lucky poet: a Self-Study in Literature and Political Ideas. It was a highly individual book, combining prose and poetry in a way that many found irritating, but most also found fascinating.  

MacDiarmid’s anti-war feelings are perhaps more accessibly expressed also in a number of shorter poems in English, such as “The War Memorial”, inspired by the sight of the grey stone cenotaphs raised in almost every town and village in Scotland to remember the war dead – and forget those who survived:  We knew them – queer that side by side in the ranks The immortal heroes alone should all have been slain And only the worthless, the unemployables, the scum Like us spared to come home again.  …  They make a fine fuss about them now they are dead; If they’d survived it would be a different story. They would be treated just as we are, like dirt, With no bunkum at all about honour and glory.

During the Second World War, MacDiarmid expressed similar concerns about the continuing sacrifice of Scottish people. In one such poem, “German Bombers”, written during the Blitz attacks on British cities, he noted the glaring discrepancies between north and south. Unlike around London, there were no air-raid defences to protect the inhabitants of Edinburgh, the Scottish capital:  The German bombers came up the Forth And unchallenged all day o’er Edinburgh flew While not in Edinburgh but only in London The air-raid warning siren blew.  …  The English don’t give a curse so long as England’s all right, And from Scotland to that end withdraw all Scotland’s might On lying pretexts, while the Scots themselves, poor fools, Are content in Scotland’s betrayal to be England’s tools.

Historically, the collective punishment of Scottish people at the hands of the English was made bitterly clear during what became known as the “Highland Clearances”. After the union with England in 1707, there were several uprisings in the Highlands by the Scots who fought to regain their independence. However, after the decisive victory over the rebellious clans at the battle of Culloden (1746), https://teifidancer-teifidancer.blogspot.com/2013/04/culloden-shoulder-of-lamentation.html the English proceeded to physically clear the Highlands of its inhabitants in what can only be described state-sponsored genocide. English soldiers marched through the glens burning homes, raping and murdering their occupants. 

In the nineteenth century this barbaric policy of ethnic cleansing continued with the remainder of the Highlanders either recruited by the army or shipped off to the colonies. It is disturbing to note that there were more people living in the Highlands in the 1700s than there are today. Moreover, in the last waves of evictions, the people were often betrayed by their own landowning lairds, as John Prebble concludes in his comprehensive historical documentation of these tragic events:  At Culloden, and during the military occupation of the glens, the British government first defeated a tribal uprising and then destroyed the society that had made it possible. The exploitation of the country during the next hundred years was within the same pattern of colonial development – new economies introduced for the greater wealth of the few, and the unproductive obstacle of a native population removed or reduced. In the beginning the men who imposed the change were of the same blood, tongue and family as the people. They used the advantages given them by the old society to profit from the new, but in the end they were gone with their clans.  The Lowlander has inherited the hills, and the tartan is a shroud.

Living for long periods on the “cleared” Shetland Islands, MacDiarmid became fully aware of this historic crime perpetrated by an unholy alliance between English and Scottish capitalists. In his own poetic response to this national tragedy, MacDiarmid reached out to the ordinary Scots folk, those who more often than not found themselves on the violent receiving end of history.  

MacDiarmid’s Scottish nationalism was always grounded in democratic socialism. It was this ideological combination that transformed his Celtic individualism into revolutionary activism. His poetry could therefore be both lyrical, elevating the everyday “speak” of the people, as well as agitational, summoning the nation to break the chains of foreign domination. After the last clan rebellion of the eighteenth century, the speaking of Gaelic, the wearing of the kilt and playing the bagpipes were all banned by the British government as representing symbolic acts of war. 

It is not surprising therefore that a movement of historically informed cultural resistance has surfaced today in the form of speaking Gaelic (a language development MacDiarmid always hoped for) as part of a new and defiant Scottish political identity.  

MacDiarmid’s own radical working-class sensibilities continued to be refined throughout his adult life – as a soldier, a schoolteacher, a journalist and factory worker living in Glasgow. As a poet however, he remained relatively isolated, marginalized by the literary establishment in Edinburgh and London. Most of his work appeared in small literary magazines or in anthologies with limited editions. It wasn’t until later that he began to receive some critical (and economic) recognition.

However, his maverick amalgamation of Marxism and radical nationalism always made him an awkward public figure, as he himself admitted in his autobiographical poem “The Outlaw”:  I am the outlawed conscience of Scotland, The voice that must not be heard, The bane of all time-servers and trimmers, Helot-usurpers of the true aristocracy of awareness.

He stood for the SNP in the 1945 general election for Kelvingrove South, winning 1,314 votes, and five years later as an independent, being backed by just 639 voters. He stood for the Communist Party in the 1964 general election against Prime Minister Alec Douglas-Home in Kinross and West Perthshire but managed less than 130 votes. 

 TV footage of him in the 1970s shows him boasting about being an Anglophobe - someone with a strong dislike of the English. In a conversation about devolution, he also claimed Scottish voters don't "know what they want".  he added: "...until quite recently Scottish schools, colleges and universities had no courses in Scotland literature or the Scottish languages. Now, we're entirely conditioned by English standards.  "I want to break away from that, I want complete disjunction from England. I appeared in Who's Who for the last 40 years or so and given my hobby as Anglophobia. That's not a Scottish peculiarity. It's common all over the world." 

The white rose sported by SNP MPs comes from MacDiarmid's poem The Little White Rose. One line states: "The rose of all the world is not for me. I want for my part. Only the little white rose of Scotland. That smells sharp and sweet—and breaks the heart."

As a follower of the Scottish revolutionary socialist John Maclean, he saw no contradiction between international socialism and the nationalist vision of a Scottish workers' republic, but this ensured a fraught relationship with organized political parties.

MacDiarmid described MacLean as “the greatest leader of the working class of Scotland have yet had”. In a speech commemorating his early death in 1923, MacDiarmid celebrated MacLean as a revolutionary whose socialist vision remained an essential point of departure for the struggle for an independent Scotland:  He was not a straw man blown hither and thither by the wind of party politics. He had the supreme disqualification of thinking for himself on the basis of a thorough grasp of Marxist philosophy. The most advanced elements of the working class in Scotland owe him an enormous debt. Whether they like it or not they are going to have to discharge that debt now – or suffer the consequences. There is no other way. John MacLean was far in advance of his time. But he died over fifty years ago – and only now is an important section of socialist thought in Scotland beginning to catch up with him. It is not too late.

In his poem, “Talking with Five Thousand People in Edinburgh”, MacDiarmid defined his own ideological position as that of a nonconformist Marxist, a status he cultivated throughout his life. It was clearly a radical space he thought necessary to both his poetry and his politics: For I am like Zamyatin. I must be a Bolshevik Before the Revolution, but I’ll cease to be one quick When Communism comes to rule the roost, For real literature can exist only where it’s produced, By madmen, hermits, heretics, Dreamers, rebels, skeptics, And such a door of utterance has been given to me As none may close whosoever they be.

In his post-war poetry, he increasingly shunned the personal and subjective in favour of open-ended epics such as In Memoriam James Joyce (1955) and The Kind of Poetry I Want (1961) which celebrated political and scientific materialism. 

In all Grieve/MacDiarmid published around 30 books and many shorter works and articles. The poetry he produced in his later life is often viewed as difficult and inaccessible, but brilliant. The two volume Complete Poems, published after Grieve's death, ran to 1500 pages.  

MacDiarmid continued to inspire younger Scottish poets and in the 1950s and 1960s was at the heart of the group, including Sydney Goodsir Smith, Norman MacCaig and George Mackay Brown, which met in Edinburgh's legendary literary pub, Milne's Bar.  

To his enemies, MacDiarmid’s adoption of a Scottish language was as fabricated as his name; he was a false prophet; an apologist for dictators and a stooge of tyranny. To his supporters, he was a champion of authentic Scottish culture and of the revival of national pride based not on tartan-waving mythology but on reality and a vision of a better future that was both nationalist and internationalist. 

For all his faults, it was he who proved great literature could still be crafted from the Scots dialect; he catalysed pride in a distinctively Scots culture that was in danger of being swamped  and he was also a very talented poet. 

He lived in relative poverty for most of his long life. and moved with his wife to Biggar in 1951 and that was where died on on 9th September 1978  of cancer on 9 September, 1978, in Chalmers Hospital, Edinburgh..

Christopher Murray Grieve was buried at Langholm. To the east of the town a minor road climbs steeply out of the valley. As it crosses Whita Yett, a short path from a parking place leads to the striking memorial to Hugh MacDiarmid. The memorial is the work of Jake Harvey and was unveiled on 11 August 1985. Made of steel and bronze, it is in the form of an open book, highly decorated with images from MacDiarmid's poetry. 

Nearby is a cairn carrying a verse by MacDiarmid and noting that "Christopher Murray Grieve (Hugh MacDiarmid) was a man of Langholm, a champion of Scotland, a fervent internationalist and one of the great poets of the world."  MacDiarmid remains an important figure among Scottish literary circles as well as among nationalists  for reviving and renewing Scots as a poetic language.

Margaret Tate‘s sympathetic 1964 film portrait captures the essence of MacDiarmid. Seen in a domestic setting (and in evocative black-and-white), he reads three short poems, “You Know Who I Am”, “Somersault”, and “Krang”, along with some lines from “The Kind of Poetry I Want”. (the music in the film is Francis George Scott‘s setting of MacDiarmid’s “The Eemis Stane”, sung by Duncan Robertson with piano accompaniment by Olive Ogsten).

Here  is  a profile from 1972 of Hugh MacDiarmid on the occasion of his 80th birthday. In this film he talks about his uncompromising life and the ideas and circumstances that have shaped its progress.

Resistance is

Ascending to the Sky" (2023) by an extraordinary Palestinian artist whose story and work are pure defiance and beauty: Mohammed Al Rakou

Resistance is having hope

Resistance is sowing  love 

Reistance is being kind 

Resistance is sharing 

Resistance is knowing thyself

Resistance is opposing  fascism

Resistance is speaking aganst injustice

Resistance is speaking up 

Resistance is raising  awareness

Resistance is doing  something 

Resistance is not  indifference 

Resistance is standing against power 

Resistance is carried with strength  

Resistance is freedom unbroken

Resustance is a defiant lifeforce 

Resistance is a carrier of dream

Resistance is holding fast to humanity

Resistance is an act of rebellion"

Resistance is now, and  so necessary

Resistance traverses  all  borders

Resistance is a force for good

Resistance is steadfast never surrenders.

What Happened in Ceuta on July 30 *

On July 30, 2026, thousands of migrants predominantly young men flooded into Ceuta, Spain’s tiny enclave in North Africa largely  by  swimming. Spain is a main point of arrival into Europe for migrants seeking better economic opportunities or an escape from violence in their home countries.  

To reach Ceuta, located on the northern African coast, migrants often swim from the Moroccan town of Castillejos, covering about 3.1 miles (5 kilometers) to reach Spanish territory. Others attempt the crossing from the nearby town of Belyounech, where the distance is shorter.  

What drives thousands of citizens to emigrate from their country suddenly without even carrying personal belongings or a suitcase,  is  something truly strange,  to  be  quite  honest. 

For everyone trying to understand what happened in Spain today, here's the situation: Ceuta, is a Spanish autonomous city located on the north coast of Africa, bordering Morocco. Together with Melilla, Ceuta is one of only two land borders between the European Union and Africa. Although geographically in Africa, Ceuta is sovereign Spanish territory and therefore part of the EU's external border. Ceuta has been under Spanish control since the 16th century.

Ceuta, which is perched on a historical isthmus, has been a Spanish possession since 1580. Its mixed population of Christians and Muslims, Spanish and Moroccan residents and day workers, live in relative harmony behind a border fence that many desperate migrants from across Africa attempt to cross for a better life in Europe

But why has  this  all  happened  now? This many people don’t just turn up at the same time. This is orchestrated. An operation  some  are  saying organized by Washington and Tel Aviv and coordinated with the Moroccan authorities to destabilize Spain, and give a gift to Europe's far right, and punish the country that dared to challenge the American Empire and its armed Israeli henchmen. 

Because Spain said "No."  and  the  Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez refused to allow the U.S. to use two military bases in southern Spain; Morón and Rota to attack Iran. Spain also refused to let ships carrying weapons to Israel dock at its ports. 

Spain recalled its ambassador to Israel. Spain recognized the State of Palestine. In short, Spain refused to act as a submissive puppet of the empire. The punishment - Morocco opened the floodgates. 

The scenes of people streaming across the frontier recall the border crisis of May 2021 when more than 8,000 migrants poured into Ceuta in just two days. At that time, Morocco retaliated against Spain by relaxing border controls, allowing about 8,000 people to pour into Ceuta.

Now, the script is playing out again but on a larger scale and with more sophisticated tools. On the Moroccan side, the auxiliary forces responsible for border security voluntarily withdrew as the crowds passed through. This was coordination not loss of control. And the timing is no coincidence too. 

Spain is approaching an election. A migration crisis is the perfect weapon to undermine the incumbent government, a classic tactic of the Mossad and the CIA. 

Sánchez has bucked the anti-migration trend that has gained ground across Europe and in the U.S.. While the Trump administration and other European countries have tightened their borders and stepped up deportations, Spain earlier this year moved to give residency and work permits to hundreds of thousands of migrants already living in the country without permission.  

Sánchez, a Socialist, argued that it would be good for the economy and the demographics of an aging Spain. Migrants who entered irregularly after January 1, 2026, were not included.

This migration crisis is merely one move in a much larger game. The real prize is the Strait of Gibraltar, a chokepoint through which approximately 10% of global maritime trade and around 100,000 vessels pass annually. 

Let's  bare in  mind  that  in January 2026, Israel and Morocco signed a joint military action plan. Israel now supplies at least 51% of Morocco's missiles. With Israeli support, Morocco is massively expanding its drone production; it has deployed the Israeli "Spyder" air defense system and is locally manufacturing the Israeli SpyX loitering munition (kamikaze drone). 

A joint maritime surveillance center is currently being established on Morocco's northern coast. A U.S. report identifies the Israel-Morocco arms deal as a turning point in the balance of power within the Strait of Gibraltar. Morocco even proposed to Trump that the U.S. bases at Morón and Rota be relocated from Spain to Morocco. A Spanish general admitted: "Morón Air Base will sooner or later be moved to Morocco." 

 Not long after Spain refused to accept ships carrying weapons ultimately destined for Israel, these ships were reportedly accepted instead by Morocco. Now that the Red Sea is closed to Israeli ships thanks to the Houthis, who's controlling the Strait of Gibraltar (the entrance to the Mediterranean) becomes more critical. Ceuta, where 49,000+ migrants poured in yesterday, in a seemingly coordinated fashion, is located right there. 

Washington, Tel Aviv, and Rabat are acting in concert to push Spain out of the Strait of Gibraltar and replace it with a compliant Morocco.Meanwhile, Morocco is emerging as a key implementer of Israel's post-war plans for Gaza. For the first time, Morocco will host training exercises for a multinational force expected to number around 20,000 troops. 

Approximately 30 Moroccan military officers have already entered Gaza to conduct on-the-ground reconnaissance. Morocco is expected to deploy around 500 soldiers to Gaza. Israeli officials now describe Morocco as Israel's most important security partner on the African continent. A nation that uses "support for Palestine" as its diplomatic calling card is now becoming an instrument of military enforcement for Israeli control over Gaza. Sadly Spain is likely to capitulate. 

Let's  not fall into a trap. Morrocco is a zionist trojan horse in the region. They use  these  individuals to put pressure on Spain who supported Palestine.This is political chess, organized by the Morrocan government to put pressure on Spain, on behalf of the US and Israel. 

Its utter nonsense to create fear and panic. "Attack on Spain". is a right wing rage bait, if you like it or not.The  bottom  line is  when people are being trucked to the border in numbers like this, it stops looking like a crisis and starts looking like a deliberate operation. Because it is. 

It looks  lile is  a state sanctioned invasion coordinated by the government and orchestrated by Mossad and the CIA and executed by Morocco against a nation that refuses to become an imperial vassal. The people flooding the Ceuta border are not refugees; they are being used as human battering rams to punish a government that refused to bow. 

That the mass incursion at Ceuta was an organised hybrid attack is not a matter on which reasonable people can differ. Spanish security cameras caught officers of Moroccan intelligence salted in among the supposed migrants. There is verified footage of trucks ferrying the crowds to the frontier, and of uniformed agents shepherding them along 

The Spanish Government estimate 50,000 Moroccans entered Ceuta. As of this afternoon (Friday), a massive reversal is underway. The Spanish Interior Ministry reports that more than 37,500 people have already left Ceuta to head back into Morocco. At its peak, the voluntary departure rate reached about 150 people per minute. The rest remain stranded in Ceuta, as they are not permitted to travel to the Spanish mainland. Spain and Morocco are also co-operating on plans to return them to Morocco. The scaremongers from the  far right can chill now. They're not making their way to the UK  

Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez deployed armed forces and police units to reinforce the borders of Ceuta and nearby Melilla to restore order. Mr Sanchez visited the enclave on Friday and said the mass crossing was “an attack, a violation of Spain's territorial sovereignty” and added his officials were in constant contact with their Moroccan counterparts. Mr Sanchez blamed a court ruling earlier this month that stated those arriving to Ceuta by sea could not be immediately expelled.  

Spain said 200 specialised police officers and 60 troops had arrived from the Spanish mainland to reinforce security personnel in Ceuta. 

None of the migrants have  been  able   able to continue onwards to mainland Spain or to other EU states, a senior EU official said. “Moroccan authorities have reacted very quickly and have been mobilised fully to address the situation,” they added.  

The crossing has  though turned tragic, with local officials confirming that at least 34 to 43 people died in the water or along the coast while attempting to reach the enclave.

In a sign of how far Europe’s political pendulum has swung to the right on migration, Pedro Sánchez's fellow European leaders were largely concerned with managing their own domestic audiences.    

Italy formally suspended Schengen cooperation with Spain and closed its maritime and air borders to the country on Friday. Rome and Paris have also agreed to reinforce controls along their shared land border. Elsewhere in Europe, Finland and Denmark piled on to threaten severing Spain from the EU’s free-travel area, while Friedrich Merz, the German chancellor, told Spain it “must regain control” of the territory.   

Even though the crisis is swiftly ebbing away as over 48,300 Moroccans voluntarily have now returned home, according to Spanish authorities, the political response continued through Friday.  

Calls from EU national leaders to suspend Spain from Schengen came thick and fast, first from Sánchez’ long-time adversary Giorgia Meloni, who openly supports the Spanish far-right party Vox, and then from Mette Frederiksen, the Danish prime minister, nominally a fellow socialist.    

The move to suspend cooperation on Schengen with Spain is highly legally questionable, and was never truly on the table.    

“It is not possible to exclude a state from Schengen in this way, just as it is not possible to expel a member state from the European Union, that is simply a misuse of language,” said Cécilia Rizcallah, a law and human rights professor at UCLouvain Saint-Louis university in Brussels.   

A senior European Commission official suggested the prospect of the migrants reaching the European continent was low.  

 “So far we haven’t seen any onward movements from Ceuta to mainland Spain or other member states,” said a senior EU official, briefing journalists on Friday afternoon. The EU classifies Morocco as a so-called safe country of origin, meaning it is very rare for asylum to be granted to people entering the EU from there.   

Still, Sánchez was left to appeal for unity on Friday. “This is not the time to divide,” he said on X. “It is the time to continue building a strong and united EU.”   

The crisis has been  catnip to the far right. As dramatic images from Ceuta spread across social media on Thursday, Europe’s centre-right and far-right forces engaged in a game of political one-upmanship, vying to land the strongest political blow against Sánchez and his far-left coalition government.  Members of the centre-right European People’s Party, eyeing a 2027 election victory in Spain, were particularly keen to hammer the Socialists for moving to regularise some 500,000 migrants, something they have long chaffed against.    

Matteo Salvini, the leader of the far-right League, was the first on social media to call for suspending Schengen cooperation with Spain on Thursday. The campaign rapidly spread with his French allies from Rassemblement National, including Patriots chief Jordan Bardella accusing Sánchez of encouraging an “unprecedented deluge.”    

Key figures in the Italian government, including Antonio Tajani, the foreign minister, then followed with their own public calls to suspend Spain from Schengen on Thursday evening, prompting further admonishments from other European governments including Austria on Friday.   

Such proposals have no legal basis and offer no solution. Where exceptional circumstances require it, temporary border controls can be introduced under existing EU rules. But dismantling Schengen would only weaken Europe.

Let's  remind  ourselves Spain stood with Palestine. Spain opposed Israel. Spain defied Trump. Spain defied NATO. What’s happened at Ceuta is not a coincidence. And are the far-right people who have been weaponising Ceuta, and ignoring its unique political context, aware that 48,300 of the people who entered have now gone back to Morocco? Or are they just ignoring it?

Here are  some  key  points: 

1. Spain says "No": Refusing U.S. bases, Israeli arms shipments, and unconditional support for Israel. 

2. Morocco opens the floodgates: Thousands of migrants pour into Ceuta, creating a crisis to punish Spain. 

3. Israel supplies weapons: Missiles, drones, and air defense systems transforming Morocco into a regional military power. 

4. The US provides cover: Washington supports Israel-Morocco military cooperation and tacitly condones the weaponization of migration. 

5. The Strait of Gibraltar is the prize: a strategic waterway controlling 10% of global maritime trade. 

6. Gaza is the ultimate goal: Morocco playing a "peacekeeping" role in Israeli-occupied Gaza.

Grief Yes - Despair No

 

"Grief Yes - Despair No" (1982) by Palestinian Artist Abdel Rahman Al Muzain.

Like many I am frequently feeling waves of intense grief about the state of the world, but we must  not give in to despair, but nor must we ignore reality, we must face our fragility. 

At the same  time I feel the unbearable weight of sadness, grief, trauma, anguish, heartbreak,agony, tormen of  collective Palestinian souls from 3 years of relentless, ruthless, monstrous, evil, heinous atrocities of Israel's genocide on the people in Gaza which is crushing.  

Everyone of  us will all experience grief in our lifetime. At some point, every single one of us is going to be obliterated by loss. It is the price we pay for loving, for allowing ourselves to care deeply for things in this world that are finite, and momentary.. 

The grief surging through us currently is the collective heartbreak of a fracturing world. It is incumbent on all of us to add our bit, because nobody is coming to save us and we need to give future generations a chance, we must build community to support, encourage and protect one another. 

Grief Yes - Despair no means that sorrow and mourning are natural parts of loving and living, but complete hopelessness should be resisted. Grief is a healthy response to loss.Despair is the loss of hope that anything can change. Grief says: This hurts because it mattered.Despair says: Nothing matters anymore.  

Grief has movement, even when it’s heavy. It longs. It aches. It remembers. Despair is collapse. It feels frozen. Flat. Helpless. It whispers, What’s the point?  Grief connects us to what we’ve loved.Despair disconnects us from ourselves, from each other, from possibility. Because grief ,as painful as it is,is still a sign of love. And love means there is still something alive in you.

It is also important to allow ourselves space to see the beauty and permission to experience joy, because allowing joy is also an act of resistance against those who seek to keep us paralysed by fear!  Allow our shared sorrows become not our ruin, but the very force that awakens, binds and liberates us. 

Have you ever noticed how sorrow grows kindness? We all share a communal cup of loss, and in it we find our deep kinship with one another and the living world. 

Your grief matters and it’s my hope you can find ways to soften the raw edges when you are fighting your way through those moments of despair. You are loved and you don’t have to do this alone. 

Wishing all who are feeling things heavy at the moment wherever you are peace, love, solace and solidarity.    

Boy George criticised for pro-Israel song: ‘’We Will Dance Again"

The singer Boy George has come under fire for his new song, ‘We Will Dance Again’, which supports Israel and denies the “genocide” in Gaza, as declared by a recent United Nations independent commission.

The cod  reggae song which has  been made  with the help of AI  begins: 

“You say genocide / I say war / When you’re attacked / That’s what the army is for / Does it get ugly? / You bet it does / When I know you want to kill / Every last one of us…”  

On June 23, a report by a UN independent commission has found that "Israeli authorities and security forces have deliberately targeted Palestinian children, resulting in genocide and atrocity crimes in the Gaza Strip and war crimes in the West Bank." 

The report cited a conclusion by the commission last year, which stated that “Israel had committed genocide against the Palestinian group in the Gaza Strip, found that the intense scale and systematic nature of the Israeli military operations have continued, resulting in unprecedented death, injury and trauma of Palestinian children.”

 “Even after the October 2025 ceasefire, children continue to be killed and seriously injured, with continued disregard by Israel for the ceasefire and for the protection owed to Palestinian children under international law.”  https://news.un.org/en/story/2026/06/1167790

The track also criticises artists and public figures who have expressed solidarity with Palestinians since Israel launched its assault on Gaza in October 2023.  "You condemn the Jews, with selective memory, Musicians holding flags, mouthing like sheep , Propaganda fuelled by the Internet feels so weak," the lyrics read. 

The lines were interpreted by critics as an attack on the growing movement of musicians, actors and campaigners who have called for an end to Israel's war on Gaza, backed cultural boycotts of Israel and demanded sanctions against the Israeli government.

In the chorus of ‘We Will Dance Again’, Boy George sings: 

“If you’re ever confused / I stand with the Jews / I don’t need to be brave / I just need to behave / Like a human.”   

The song  has received some praise from pro-Israel supporters online, but has also garnered much criticism from other social media users.

Boy George was a man I once totally respected, and loved since my youth and I even ignored some of his past mistakes, like being convicted and  sentenced to 15 months in jail for falsely imprisoning a male escort by handcuffing him to a wall and beating him with a metal chain in act of appalling  gratitous violence..

He  now  seems to have forgotten Israel has killed over 75,000 Palestinians. Some official bodies say the real figure is likely closer to 100,000. More than half murdered are children. 212,000 are severely injured. More than 4,000 Palestinians require atleast one prosthetic limb. Gaza now has the most orphans than any other country on the planet. Israel now occupies over 60% of Gaza. 

Don't let these facts get in your way though Boy George... any respect I had or love for you has now gone. I never thought you'd turn out to be a genocide denier. Was the price worth it to sell your soul. You  are  very much a narcissist with a god complex and so two faced. You jumps on any bandwagon thats suits you regardless.

Horrible to think that the boy george that everyone worshiped back in the 80s was not real. That person never existed. Irish English. Not Jewish. You're  as fake  as hell. Karma is long overdue for you. Oh was rubbish collection today whatever remained of you in my house has been binned. Now Fuck off.

Farewell to The Goodies Wild Man and Wildlife Conservationist Bill Oddie (7 July 1941 – 25 July 2026)

Farewell  to  legendary broadcaster, comedian, writer, songwriter, musician , Goodies wild man and wildlife conservationist Bill Oddie  who has  passed  away  at  85. 

David Foster, Bill Oddie's agent, paid tribute to the "intelligence and wit" of “Britain’s “best-loved birder”. In a statement, he  said: “It is with deep sadness that I announce the passing of Bill Oddie, the country’s best-loved birder.  “Bill was a multi-talented celebrity – wildlife presenter, broadcaster, comedian, writer, songwriter, musician and conservationist. Yet it was never fame that he valued.    “Instead he encouraged us to respect and protect the environment.  

“He taught us the wonder of it. He protested, lobbied and campaigned for it.  He led the way and people of all ages and backgrounds responded to his call. And such a massive contribution to conservation will never be forgotten. 

“As Bill’s agent I witnessed close hand his intelligence and wit. He was my friend and it was an honour and a privilege to represent him for so many years. I will miss him terribly. 

“My thoughts and love are with Bill’s wife, Laura, and his daughters."

Born William Edgar Oddie  near Rochdale, Lancashire on 7 July 1941. His ancestors on both sides were mill workers. However, his father Harry had made good, moved to Birmingham and worked as an accountant at the Midlands Electricity Board. 

The comedian later said his father's work ethic greatly influenced his approach to his own career. But Bill saw little of his mother Lillian during his childhood.  She had been diagnosed with schizophrenia and spent much of her time in hospital. Oddie later discovered that her depression had followed the premature deaths of his two older siblings. 

As a child, he became interested in bird watching - a record of one of his first observations was even preserved in a West Midlands Bird Club publication in 1956. After leaving King Edward's School, where he was an enthusiastic rugby player, he went to Pembroke College, Cambridge to read English.  There he became involved with the Footlights Club, which numbered Graeme Garden and Tim Brooke-Taylor among its members.  

Oddie wrote for and appeared in the famous 1964 review, A Clump of Plinths, which, having taken the Edinburgh Festival by storm, travelled to London's West End as well as New Zealand and the United States.  

While still at Cambridge, Oddie wrote material for David Frost's satirical BBC TV show That Was the Week That Was.  He fondly recalled a poem he wrote for fellow comedian Lance Percival in the style of The Ballad of Eskimo Nell about Camberley Kate who seduced dustbin men in Kent.  

Having left university, he went on to join the cast of the BBC radio show I'm Sorry I'll Read That Again, which featured many of the Footlights performers.  He was also developing as a composer, writing many of the show's songs, some of which appeared on an album Distinctly Oddie in 1967.

While some of the old Footlights team went off to form Monty Python, Oddie - together with Graeme Garden and Tim Brooke-Taylor - created The Goodies  who  were such a massive part of my childhood . still fondly remember for proving that pure, unpretentious silliness could be every bit as inventive and enduring as the Pythons' more celebrated surrealism. 

Where Monty Python offered the grown-ups philosophical sketches and highbrow absurdity, The Goodies served up slapstick chaos, visual gags, and cheerful anarchy that felt like a Saturday-morning cartoon come to life - complete with catchphrases, ridiculous costumes, and plots that escalated into glorious nonsense within minutes. I loved their madcap, anarchist , zany style who filled  my  childhood with so much laughter. .

It featured three characters on their "trandem" who pedalled about offering themselves for hire with the tagline "We Do Anything, Anywhere, Anytime".  

This spawned a series of comical situations, much slapstick and the use of fairly primitive special effects, mainly sped-up film. One of the memorable episodes was Kitten Kong, in which a giant feline toppled the Post Office Tower. A version of this episode won the Silver Rose at Montreux TV Festival in 1972. 

Oddie composed a number of comic songs for the series, often parodies of contemporary pop music. The most successful, Funky Gibbon, reached number four in the UK charts in 1975 and the trio performed it on Top of the Pops.  Forty years later, the track was re-released and the profits given to a campaign to preserve the primate's habitat.

 A reminder that one of Bill Oddie’s proudest achievements was that a fan died of laughter watching the  following sketch by The Goodies. Alex Mitchell, a brickie from King’s Lynn, according to his wife died in his chair after 25 minutes of uproarious laughter at the TV Goodies in 1975. The  widow actually wrote to the trio to thank them. That's the kind of show this was: childish, anarchic, wildly popular, and far stranger behind the scenes than anyone realised.Oddie cherished the feat for the rest of his life.

Oddie's life  however  was plagued by bouts of acute depression which caused repeated admissions to psychiatric hospitals - where Oddie suffered from severe lithium poisoning as a result of his treatment. 

He would  appear in and voiced many advertising campaigns over the years, from Thomson Directory and B&Q, to Fox’s Glacier Mints and Kellogg’s. Oddie later commented that these advertising gigs were among the most financially rewarding parts of his career.  

But it was with The Goodies that he found his greatest fame. The series combined situation comedy along with spoof ads, for products such as Dreaded Wheat, Gloscalp Dandruff Control and .  

Later, Oddie returned to his childhood passion for birdwatching, becoming one of the UK’s most influential naturalists, hosting multiple BBC nature programmes over many decades  and writing books such as “Bill Oddie’s Little Black Bird Book,” “Birdwatching with Bill Oddie” and “Follow That Bird.”  He also became  a powerful advocate for wildlife  he  campaigned against the ivory trade,warning that poachers kill thousands of elephants a year.   a supporter of a ban on trophy hunting imports. He  joined anti-cull actions alongside hunt sabs.   

Once he wore a Newcastle United top to a patrol, hoping to be mistook for a badger! Always finding a moment for humour.  He  could  be outspoken and  silly  which  is a  good thing . 

A Goodie Egg on being British  who  once  said : “I love that I walk down the road and here’s an Indian shop and there’s another Indian stationers there and this one's run by someone from Iran and there’s a West Indian who runs that bit and we’ve got the Romanian builders next door."

But Oddie had always been prone to bouts of depression and h.e was eventually diagnosed with bipolar disorder - which he occasionally blamed on his remote relationship with his mother.  Oddie parted company with Springwatch in 2008.  The star told the Daily Mirror in 2018, external: "I never had a proper explanation.  "I was called in and told: 'We won't be asking you to make any more programmes.'"  

Oddie added: "Unfortunately, my bipolar element had come into it and I could be very tetchy." The Mirror reported that the BBC did not know at the time he had a conditon, but later issued a statement saying: "We wish Mr Oddie a speedy recovery."  

Bill Oddie suffered severe lithium poisoning as a result of his mental health treatment  "At the time I was flabbergasted, " he said in a 2015 interview, external with the Independent. "But a year later, I was diagnosed as bipolar. I thought back. If I knew then what I know now, I'd have accepted that I was going through a manic phase."  T

The audience missed him. Before he left, the show had averaged 3.19 million. After he left, that figure fell to 2.55 million. 

Oddie later revealed his condition caused him to try and take his own life.  In 2020, he announced that he had been severely ill as a result of lithium poisoning: a treatment aimed at stabilising his moods.  He later posted on social media that "the past few years have been grim for me.  "Lost enthusiasm, but I am still here." 

His outside interests included music. He once did a spell as a radio DJ playing jazz and his house contained his collection of thousands of CDs. Oddie was also a passionate supporter of the Green Party and gave his time, and fame, to bolster wildlife charities such as the RSPB.

He is survived by his wife, Laura, and daughters Bonnie, Kate and Rosie. Truly a sad loss.  Bill inspired generations to notice, cherish, and protect the animals around them. 

A  unigue and very  special individual. Much respect for a life well lived. From being open about his mental health struggles to his passionate defence of animals and nature. Hope he is somewhere making the spirits or souls laugh uncontrollably.

Bill and the other Goodies leave a lasting comedy legacy that will be watched for years and years to come. Rest in peace. Funky Gibbon!. Fly high amongst your beloved wild birds 💚

If I Must Die - Refaat Alareer (23 September 1979 – 6 December 2023)

Dr. Refaat Alareer was a Palestinian writer, poet, translator, university professor and activist who was born in Gaza City, the capital of the Gaza governorate in Palestine, on September 23, 1979, during the Israeli occupation of Gaza.  

A native of Gaza City’s Shuja’iyya neighborhood, he received his MA in comparative literature from University College London and completed his PhD in English literature at the Universiti Putra Malaysia.  

Alareer authored If I Must Die: Poetry and Prose (OR Books, 2024), edited by Yousef M. Aljamal and listed as both a USA Today bestseller and one of the top ten books of 2024 by The New Arab. 

Alareer was  also  the editor of Gaza Writes Back (Just World Books, 2014) and coeditor, alongside Laila El-Haddad, of Gaza Unsilenced (Just World Books, 2015). 

He was also  a contributor to “Life in Occupied Palestine,” a special issue of Biography: An Interdisciplinary Quarterly, an academic publication produced by the University of Hawai‘i at Mānoa, guest edited by Cynthia G. Franklin, Morgan Cooper, and Ibrahim G. Aoude. 

While the editors worked with Alareer and other contributors that summer, Israeli forces killed Refaat’s brother, Mohammed Alareer, during Israel’s fifty-one-day siege on Gaza, leading the editors to dedicate the issue to Mohammed in the spring of 2014.   

Since 2007, Alareer had taught world literature, comparative literature, and both fiction and nonfiction creative writing at the Islamic University of Gaza. He also  founded  https://wearenotnumbers.org/ an organization dedicated to sharing stories by Palestinian writers.  

On December 6, 2023, he was murdered by an Israeli airstrike along with his brother, sister and their children in Israel's ongoing genocidal siege of Gaza of 2023.  He was 44 years old.  

Just five weeks prior to his killing, he had shared  the  following  moving  poem titled "If I must die", and pinned it to his Twitter profile. 

Amidst the outpouring of grief, as news of his death spread online, many people from around the world paid tribute to Refaat by offering their own translations of his prophetic poem in to their local languages. And since his death, he has been eulogized the world over. 

Like many I am frequently feeling waves of intense grief about  what is happening  on  Gaza but  we must  not  give in to despair,  nor must we ignore reality. 

In a time when so many voices still rise for Palestine, there is still nothing more powerful, nothing more sacred, than hearing the words of Palestinians themselves, voices that have been silenced, distorted, or spoken over for far too long. 

Though Refaat Alareer’s speech was extinguished by Israel, along with  tens of thousands of Palestinians.  It is incumbent on all  of us to  keep  sharing  their voices.  

If I Must Die -  Refaat Alareer 

If I must die,  

you must live  

to tell my story to sell my things 

to buy a piece of cloth 

and some strings,  

(make it white with a long tail) 

so that a child, somewhere in Gaza 

while looking heaven in the eye a

waiting his dad who left in a blaze

— and bid no one farewell 

not even to his flesh not even to himself

— sees the kite, my kite you made, 

flying up above and thinks for a moment 

an angel is there 

bringing back love

If I must die 

let it bring hope 

let it be a tale

Remembering Marina Ginestà, the defiant militia girl with a gun (29 January 1919 – 6 January 2014)

On  this day 21 July 1936 this iconic photo  taken by Hans Gutmann on top of the Hotel Colón in Barcelona. of 17-year-old socialist Marina Ginestà  just three days after the military rebellion against the Spanish Republic had been launched.The rifle she is carrying is  an M1916 Spanish Mauser, manufactured at the famous Oviedo factory in Spain for the Spanish Army. 

 In the photo  she has a look of innocence in her eyes, perhaps, but – as the rifle slung over her back would suggest – her idealistic determination to defend the Republic against the army's treachery and simultaneously implement a Socialist revolution in Spain is equally plain.  

"It is a good photo, it reflects the feelings we had at the time," said Ginesta, whose parents were Spanish trade unionists. "Socialism had arrived and the clients of the hotel" – the now defunct Colon on the Plaza de Catalunya – "had gone. There was a sense of euphoria."   

"We moved into the Colon" – which became the Communist and Socialist combined youth movement headquarters in Barcelona, festooned with images of Lenin and Stalin – "and we started eating good food. It was as if the bourgeois way of life had suddenly become ours as well.  

"They say I have a striking way of looking at the camera. That's possible, because we were well aware of the mystique surrounding a revolution of the proletariat and the Hollywood films of the time, too [with stars] like Greta Garbo and Gary Cooper." 

However, for Ginesta and the other idealists of the time, the summer of 1936 represented the high-tide mark for Spain's revolution, as the bitterly fought Civil War ended with defeat for the Republic and exile or death for its defenders.

The photo  however   became one of the most well-known powerful  images from that war, and represents the fight against fascism and the struggles of conflict. It was a piece of propaganda at a time of rapid social and political change,and  a symbol of hope. Hope like now that continues to prevail as  the rising tide of fascism continues..  

Marina Ginestà was born in Toulouse, France, on January 29, 1919. Her family was working-class and believed in left-wing ideas. Both her parents, Empar Coloma Chalmeta and Bruno Ginestà Manubens, were tailors from Spain.   

The hotel where the picture was taken was destroyed after the war. Today, a building for the Banco Español de Crédito stands in its place. 

Marina was a member of Juventudes Socialistas Unificadas (Socialist Youth), the youth organization mainly directed by Partido Comunista de España (PCE, Communist Party of Spain). As the war broke out, she served as a reporter and a translator assisting Mikhail Koltsov, a correspondent of the Soviet newspaper Pravda. 

Marina remained a militant throughout the rest of the war and was drawn to other groups at that time such as the anti-Stalinist P.O.U.M (which the famous writer George Orwell was a member of) and the Anarchist C.N.T. As outlined in George Orwell's Homage to Catalonia, the militias of a tiny left-wing party, the POUM, joined forces with the Anarchists in Barcelona to rebel against the increasingly dominant Communists, who used the same terraces where the photo of Ginesta had been taken for machine-gun posts as they fought for control of the city. Despite her initial involvement however she quickly grew disillusioned with the path that the Stalinists were taking. 

Sources shed doubt on Marina’s insistence that she did not participate in the fighting. As it turns out, Marina makes an appearance in the diary of Mikhail Koltsova  who was correspondent of the Soviet newspaper Pravda.

In his Diary of the Spanish Civil War, which was published in Spanish long after Stalin had had his friend liquidated, Koltsov writes that Marina never went anywhere without her heavy, antiquated rifle. He would know, because for several months Marina served as Koltsov’s interpreter, translating from Spanish to French. 

In fact, she’d been present at the legendary meeting between the Pravda correspondent and Buenaventura Durruti, the Anarchist leader, in mid-August 1936. Since Durruti’s French turned out to be at least as good as Koltsov’s, Marina’s services were not needed, and the two men excused her. 

“I wouldn’t have understood their conversation anyway,” Marina later said. “I was much too young. But they appeared to like each other a lot. They smiled and seemed to agree on everything. That, I have always thought, must have been one of the reasons why Koltsov was liquidated once he got back to Moscow. Come to think of it, I’m happy I didn’t end up in there, too, as did so many Spanish Communists after the defeat of the Republic.”

Before the end of the war, Ginestà was wounded and evacuated to Montpellier. Marina did not know about the photo until 2006, although the iconic image was printed and circulated everywhere, serving as cover for the book “Thirteen Red Roses” by Carlos Fonseca, and was also along with dozens of other photographs in the book “Unpublished images of the Civil War” (2002). 

When Nazi Germany took over France, Marina had to leave. She went to the Dominican Republic escaping the horrors of war in Europe. There, she married Manuel Periâñez-Martin lived briefly in the Dominican Republic, where their son Manuel was born.  Though, her peace was interrupted again by the rise of dictator Rafael Trujillo  and  they  were  forced to  move  toVenezuela .

A few years later she married Belgian diplomat Carl Werck, with whom she had a daughter, Isabelle. Werck's job took the family to several cities in the 1950s and ’60s, including London and New Orleans.  Ginestà wrote two novels in the Catalonian language in the 1970s; the first, Els antipodes, chronicled the story of Spanish Civil War exiles in the Dominican Republic during World War II. Her final years were spent in Brussels and Paris. 

In the mid-1980s, a trove of Guzmân's photographs of the Spanish Civil War were unearthed, the image of Ginestà and her rifle among them. The portrait captivated those who were intrigued by the tragic war and its ultimate consequences, which permitted fascist regimes to wreak havoc across Europe and Asia. Guzmân had written an identifying caption, giving the date as July 21, 1936, and the figure as Marina Jinesta. The image was used for the cover of a bestseller in Spain in 2004, Las trece rosas (“The Thirteen Roses”).

The Spanish photo agency that held the rights to Guzmân's archive set out to find “Marina Jinesta” in 2006. A researcher discovered Ginestàt two years later in Paris, aged 89, and she spoke about the Hotel Colón days in a documentary that aired on Spanish television. 

And before her death on January 6, 2014, in Paris, the 94-year-old was believed to  be Marina Ginestà, had been tracked down and confronted with this version of her younger self, in 2006, she confessed that she still remembered the dead bodies she had seen, including a mother with two children in her arms, the best part of seventy years before. 

The memory of her comrades, her fellow resistance fighters, most of whom perished, still lingers in the air.

Marking 90 years since the Spanish Civil War began

 

Exactly 90 years ago, on July 17, 1936, a clandestine military uprising led by generals Emilio Mola and Francisco Franco attempted to overthrow the democratically elected Second Spanish Republic.This failed coup plunged Spain into a devastating three-year civil war that claimed roughly half a million lives and served as a brutal prelude to World War II.Causing incalculable pain  and suffering, which still casts its long shadow. 

This year,we mark the 90th anniversary of the dramatic events of the Revolution and Civil War in Spain,  amidst struggles against imperialist wars, against the strengthening of the far right globally, and against Trumpist reaction.and  increasingly open fascism, it is such  an important  part  of  history  that  we should  seriously reflect upon.

The  Spanish Civil  War immortalised the slogan ‘Fascism shall not pass!’ (No pasarán) — which continues to echo in demonstrations worldwide.  

The upheavals left a revolutionary legacy of mass mobilisation and uprising of the working class against the fascist counter-revolution and against the capitalist system that nurtured it. That legacy will be marked by a series of commemorations and tributes, articles, seminars, and cultural events, and will continue to spark political debates in Spain and in left-wing circles worldwide, remaining relevant to the burning political questions in the current era.  

The historical experience of the Spanish Revolution and of the rise and fall of the Republic and the Popular Front government in Spain continues to be part of political discourse globally in countries where populist right-wing and far-right forces are raising their heads. Popular Front coalitions came to power in the shadow of the threat of fascism.

The 90th anniversary has sparked a wave of historical reflection, exhibitions, and media coverage across the UK and internationally and is being deeply explored in programs like the BBC Sunday Spanish Civil War at 90 broadcast, https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/m002yvwdwhich reported live from Madrid to discuss the war's enduring legacy. 

Museums like Manchester’s People's History Museum  https://phm.org.uk/90th-anniversary-of-the-spanish-civil-war-is-remembered-at-peoples-history-museum/and the International Brigade Memorial Trust https://international-brigades.org.uk/ are leading major commemorations. These events highlight the thousands of British volunteers who joined groups like the International Brigades to fight fascism during the Spanish Civil War.

These institutions continue to  preserve the legacy of these working-class volunteers, who defied British government bans to defend democracy.

To mark the anniversary, Culture Matters has just published this book, an anthology of poems selected by Alan McGuire and Alan Morrison. It is available here https://www.culturematters.org.uk/cm-publications/books/the-rose-held-in-the-teeth-an-anthology-marking-the-90th-anniversary-of-the-outbreak-of-the-spanish-civil-war/

Spain  in the 1920s was dominated by a monarchy that openly reflected the interests of the large landowning nobility. The Spanish monarchy oversaw a government that relied on the army to crush trade unions and working class organisations. 

But all this repression failed to intimidate the working class who continued to organise in powerful trade unions especially in the large industrial regions in the north and east of the country, the Basque regions and Catalonia where the city of Barcelona became a working-class stronghold.  

Increasingly weakened and unable to cope with the demand of capitalism to force the working class to pick up the bill for the economic crisis, the monarchy lost the support of the ‘liberal’ bourgeoisie who favoured a turn to a more liberal democracy.  

In 1931, Spanish King Alfonso XIII authorized elections to decide the government of Spain, and voters overwhelmingly chose to abolish the monarchy in favor of a liberal republic. The King abdicated and went into exile, and the Second Republic, initially dominated by middle-class liberals and moderate socialists, was proclaimed on 14 April 1931 and the 2nd Spanish Republic was declared. with the proclamation of a Republic and a Socialist-Republican Government . 

Its arrival was greeted with euphoria by progressive Spain, including the support of many revolutionary forces active in Spain. It had a commitment to the separation of the church and the state, and a commitment to international peace, modern systems of education, land reform, and more equal roles for both men and women. 

Its greatest achievement: creating some 16,000 schools, During the first two years of the Republic, organized labor and leftist radicals forced widespread liberal reforms, and the independence-minded region of Catalonia and the Basque provinces achieved virtual autonomy.  

However  an important section of the bourgeois liberals broke away from the republican government and formed an alliance with the large landowners, representatives of big business, leading army officers, monarchists and those who admired the fascist leader of Italy, Mussolini, forming a new party called CEDA.  

They saw fascism – which had triumphed over the working class in Germany and Italy – as the solution to the capitalist crisis in Spain through the complete defeat of workers and the institution of a naked fascist dictatorship.  

The CEDA, following national elections in 1934, entered into the Spanish government triggering an uprising of miners in the Asturias region in the north of Spain. Armed with dynamite they took control of the region and declared it an independent commune. 

But throughout the country the official leadership of the working class refused to lead any real struggle.  The anarchists – who uniquely in Spain had a very large following amongst workers and controlled a powerful trade union – refused to take part in any national uprising because as anarchists they mistrusted and opposed any central action.  

The Socialist Party – which also controlled an important union – although it talked very ‘left’ was completely reformist and restricted its members to a protest, a short general strike in Madrid.  

The new government sent troops into Asturias to brutally put down.

Workers arrested by the Guardia Civil and Guardia de Asalto during the Asturian Revolution, 1934

In response, socialists launched a revolution in the mining districts of Asturias, and Catalan nationalists rebelled in Barcelona. General Franco crushed the so-called October Revolution on behalf of the conservative government, and in 1935 he was appointed army chief of staff. 

By 1936 the Spanish Republic had recently been revived by the election of a moderately liberal government after 5 years of tension and retrenchment. A new popular front alliance of all anti-fascist parties had swept the country the previous year. Franco, at this time was sent to an obscure command in the Canary Islands off Africa.

In February 1936 a Popular Front Government  a broad left-wing coalition headed by Manuel Azaña, wins the majority of seats in the Spanish Cortes (parliament) and began to enact a programme of social and economic reforms. They were planned to modernise the state, improve the income of workers and peasants, to carry out land reform, and massive education measures to tackle the abundance of illiteracy which was widespread at the time. 

But these involved removing the Church’s monopoly in the school system, as well as a reorganisation of the countries Military, all of which horrified the established elites. Despite the brutal suppression of the Asturias miners and the jailing of Socialist Party leaders throughout Spain, the CEDA government was unable to inflict a real defeat on the working class, which remained powerful and rebellious, and the CEDA government swiftly fell apart.  

Despite its left facade, it was a government determined to keep capitalism afloat and avoid revolutionary confrontation.  But its election unleashed a revolutionary spirit amongst workers and especially amongst the youth who exerted enormous pressure on the PF government, horrifying the landowners and the industrial capitalists who lived in fear of revolution.  

These forces now deserted the CEDA and moved to an even more openly fascist organisation, the Falange. The Falange opened up a wave of terror aimed at workers and their organisations – in just four months after the elections fascist thugs launched attacks that saw 269 people killed and 1,287 injured in street fights while 381 buildings were attacked, 43 left wing newspapers attacked and ransacked and 146 attempts made to bomb workers’ organisations. 

At the same time, army officers were planning a coup which they believed would deliver Spain to their control in a matter of hours. The coup began on the 17th of July 1936, in Morocco and in garrison towns throughout Spain  aimed at overthrowing the country's democratically elected republic. The uprising was mainly planned by the three generals, Emilio Mola y Vidal, 1st Duke of Mola, Grandee of Spain, José Sanjurjo y Sacanell and Manuel Goded Llopis with General Franco a co-conspirator who was based in the Canaries. they quickly seized political power and instituted martial law. but did not successfully capture Spain in its entirety, with the People’s Front Government retaining two thirds of the country’s territory, including its capital and the vital industrial regions of the Basque Country and Catalonia, due to the support of its people, the majority of its navy and air force.  

However on the night of 18th July , 1936 the army mutinied with their generals against the people. They bought in foreign legionnaires and colonial troops and under General Franco proclaimed a military takeover. In much of Spain, the coup was stopped by the working class, who launched one of the most far reaching social revolutions in world history.  The republican government was paralysed with fear and attempted to reach some agreement with the army revolt.  

The workers, however, were not cowed or frightened at all by this counter-revolutionary coup attempt.  While the unions restricted themselves to a call for a general strike, the workers moved decisively. 

 In almost every city they stormed the army barracks, seized weapons and disarmed the army.  In cities like Barcelona whole sections of the army deserted their right-wing officers and went over to the side of the workers, proving that when decisive action is taken, the working class is more than capable of winning the day.  

Franco’s fascist forces were only able to win control of less than half of Spain, despite their military strength. The republican government was also losing power as workers throughout the country began to organise in their local communities, replacing state institutions with revolutionary committees working for their interests. 

Factories were taken over, armed workers militias were set up to protect these seizures and to arrest local representatives of the capitalist class, while in the country, peasants seized land and distributed it amongst themselves.  

In over half the country the capitalist class and its state had effectively been deposed and a situation of dual power existed in Spain.  

Spanish republican militia in Granen (Huesca province), on the Aragon Front, during the Spanish Civil War 

A bitter struggle had begun, during which the most advanced segments of Spains working class were the thrust of a temporarily lived example of workers self management and social revolution.

The left wing of the popular front was determined to resist the Generals and Franco and resolved to distribute arms and weapons to newly formed militias. By the morning of 19th July truckloads of rifles from  the Ministry of War were on their way to the headquarters of the Socialist and Anarchist trade unions for distribution to their members. 

A few weeks later  a government emerged more than capable of defending the Republic against the Generals. It was the first Republican Government to have full Socialist, Communist and Anarchist support. However Franco had both Italian and German fascist support, with their finance and intervention. The fascists defended a common view of the past, while the republican coalition though, had widely different visions of the future,

The working class also  faced great problems. One was purely technical in that they were untrained, with very little in the way of weapons apart from those they seized from the barracks, against them was ranged a professional army that was being equipped by its allies in fascist Germany and Italy. 

Within days of the uprising, both the Republic and the Nationalists called for foreign military aid. Initially, France pledged to support the Spanish Republic, but soon reneged on its offer to pursue an official policy of non-intervention in the civil war. Great Britain immediately rejected the Republic's call for support.  Faced with potential defeat, Franco called upon Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy for aid. and within days the military balance of forces had been transformed, as had the conflict from Civil War to a miniature World War, with the support of Germany’s Air Force, divisions of Italy’s regular army, and Moroccan soldiers from Spain’s African army to assist the Nationalist forces. Thanks to their military assistance, he was able to airlift troops from Spanish Morocco across to the mainland to continue his assault on Madrid. 

Those who rose against the Republic did not have so much difficulty in finding a single military and political leader. As of 1 October 1936, Francisco Franco was “Head of Government of the Spanish State”. 

His military colleagues who put him there thought that this post would be temporary, that the war would soon be over with the conquest of Madrid and that then would be the time to think of a political framework for the new State. However, after various frustrated attempts to take the capital, Franco changed his military strategy and what might have been a rapid seizure of power became a long, drawn-out war. 

He was also convinced, particularly after the arrival in Salamanca of his brother-in-law, Ramón Serrano Suñer, who had managed to escape from the “red confinement” in Madrid in mid-February 1937, that all the political forces needed to be united in a single party.  

“Head of Government of the Spanish State”, Caudillo, Generalísimo of the Armed Forces, undisputed leader of the “Movement”, as the single party was known, Franco confirmed his absolute dominance with the creation on 30 January 1938 of his first government, in which he carefully distributed the various ministries among officers, monarchists, Falangists and Carlists. 

The construction of this new State was accompanied by the physical elimination of the opposition, the destruction of all the symbols and policies of the Republic and the quest for an emphatic, unconditional victory with no possibility of any mediation.  

In this quest, Franco had the support and blessing of the Catholic Church. Bishops, priests and the rest of the Church began to look on Franco as someone sent by God to impose order in the “earthly city” and Franco ended up believing that, indeed, he had a special relationship with divine providence. Thus emerged Franco’s Church, which identified with him, admired him as Caudillo, as someone sent by God to re-establish the consubstantiality of traditional Spanish culture with the Catholic faith. 

Throughout the three years of the conflict, Hitler and Mussolini provided the Spanish Nationalist Army with crucial military support. Some 5,000 German air force personnel served in the Condor Legion, which provided air support for coordinated ground attacks against Republican positions and carried out aerial bombings on Republican cities. 

The most notorious of these attacks came on April 26, 1937, when German and Italian aircraft levelled the Basque town of Gernike (Guernica in Spanish) in a three-hour campaign that killed 200 civilians or more. Fascist Italy supplied some 75,000 troops in addition to its pilots and planes. Spain became a military laboratory to test the latest weaponry under battlefield conditions.

The war crime  that  was Gernike ordered by the Spanish nationalist military leadership and carried out by the Congor Legion of the German luftwaffe and the Italian Aviazone Legionairre. Designed to kill  or main as many civilians as possible, Operation Rugen was deliberately chosen for a Monday afternoon when the weekly town market would be at its most crowded. 

Guernica, in the Basque  country where revolutionary sentiment among workers was deep, was defenceless from the bombers, which could fly as low as 600 feet. The airplanes made repeated raids, refuelling and returning to drop more bombs. Waves of explosive, fragmentary, and incendiary devices were dumped in the town. In total, 31 tons of munitions were dropped between 4.30 in the afternoon and 7.30 in the evening. 

In the aftermath of the raid, survivors spoke of the air filled with the screams of those in their death throes and the hundreds injured. Civilians fleeing the carnage in the fields surrounding the town were strafed by fighter planes. Human and animal  body parts littered the market place and town center,  in such  horror. much of Guernica was effectively wiped of the map. From a population of 5,000 some 1,700 residents were killed and a further 800 injured. Three quarters of the buildings were raised to the ground. Farms four miles away were flattened.

The infamous bombing of the city, which was a stronghold of the Republican forces, was one of the events that paved the way for Franco’s  forces  to capture of northern Spain.  Hundreds of civilians were killed in the bombing which evoked widespread outrage across the world. The destruction of Guernica was part of Franco's wider, brutal campaign against the existence of the Spanish Republic. This campaign led not just to widespread destruction of property, but thousands of civilian casualties too, as well as widespread displacement. 

The significance of Guernica is that it was the first time that civilians were deliberately targeted in an air attack; it was the first time that a population centre was carpet bombed from the air; and it was one of the first times that a population was used as a target from the air by a foreign power  to test the effectiveness of its aircraft and the effectiveness of terror on the civilian population. Guernica changed the mode of war. Before then, civilians in cities and towns away from the front were by and large relatively safe. In wars before then air power was not capable of such bombing attacks. In World War I, by and large, troops slugged it out in trenches on the front and there was no air war.
Renowned artist Pablo Picasso’s landmark painting  ‘Guernica’  immortalized the bombing of Guernica in his mural, a raw and anguished anti-war statement, a haunting piece of work that  still became a universal howl against the ravages of war. On a large canvas more than seven metres (23 feet) wide, he painted deformed figures of women and children writhing in a burning city. A broken sword in hand, a dismembered fighter lies with wide open eyes, an impassive bull, a wounded dove and an agonising horse nearby. Picasso did not agree with Franco´s regime and he was living in France for a long period of time until his death in 1973 when he was 91 years old. One of the most famous passages about his life is when he was interrogated by the Gestapo while the Nazi occupation  in Paris. When the officers saw the Guernica  they asked him “Did you paint that?” and he replied “No, you did”

General Franco denied that he had nothing to do with the raid and claimed that the town had been dynamited and then burnt by Anarchist Brigades. Franco issued a statement after the bombing: "We wish to tell the world, loudly and clearly, a little about the burning of Guernica. It was destroyed by fire and gasoline. The red hordes in the criminal service of Aguirre burnt it to ruins. The fire took place yesterday and Aguirre, since he is a common criminal, has uttered the infamous lie of attributing this atrocity to our noble and heroic air force."
The Spanish church backed this story and its professor of theology in Rome went so far as to declare that "the truth is there is not a single German in Spain. Franco only needs Spanish soldiers which are second to none in the world." After the war a telegram sent from Franco's headquarters was discovered and revealed that he had asked the German Condor legion to carry out the attack on Guernica. It is believed that the attack was an attempt to demoralize the Basque people. Germany had agreed as they wanted to carry out "a major experiment in the effects of aerial terrorism."
Picasso's picture still resonates with tragedy, capturing the full terror and horror of this terrible moment in history.    

Guernica - Picasso

The town of Guernica, Spain, recently in  December 2023 demonstrated solidarity with Gaza by recreating a scene reminiscent of the bombing it endured during the Spanish Civil War. Organized by the Guernica-Palestine Citizens' Initiative, the event aimed to draw parallels between the suffering of Guernica's civilians in 1937 and the current situation in Gaza. Participants formed a human mosaic depicting the Palestinian flag, and an air raid siren was sounded to evoke the historical bombing. 

Guernica, now and then Trevor Harrison  

I stand before Guernica, the 

familiar canvas of dismembered bodies,

dead babies and soldiers;

a weeping mother, a shrieking horse; 

once remembered for its chronicle of carnage,

warnings of mass murder to come,

enough to move

the dial from tragedy 

to statistic, now forgotten.

Silence has settled upon 

the world, snuffed out 

by apologists for the 

sacred State’s need for 

human sacrifice.  

In Madrid and Cordoba

jasmine petals loose

their fragrance; the oranges

fall to the ground.  

In Gaza and Israel

combatants loose 

their bombs and 

bullets; the 

bodies fall, broken petals. 

Peace protests and beauty bloom 

in the Spanish squares. I ask: 

By what right do I enjoy this now? 

By what right

do I not?  

The burden 

of living 

is to live 

while others

are 

dying.  

Trevor Harrison is a Professor of Sociology at the University of Lethbridge.

Fascist Italy  also supplied some 75,000 troops in addition to its pilots and planes. Spain became a military laboratory to test the latest weaponry under battlefield conditions.  The Spanish conflict quickly generated worldwide fears that it could explode into a full-fledged European war. 

In August 1936, more than two dozen nations, including France, Great Britain, Italy, Nazi Germany, and the Soviet Union, signed a Non-Intervention Agreement on Spain. The latter three signatories openly violated the policy. Italy and Germany continued to supply Franco's forces, while the Soviet Union provided military advisors, tanks, aircraft, and other war materiel to the Republic. 

Some scholars argue that the Non-Intervention Agreement benefited Franco, who could acquire armaments on credit from his allies, while the Republic had to pay hard currency to arms dealers to obtain often outdated weapons and find ways to transport these goods into the embargoed country.  

It was clear that the militia-based Government forces were badly out-gunned and lacked the military experience to repel the oncoming tide, so they turned to the Soviet Union for aid, with the Comintern (Communist International) establishing the International Brigades to help defend the Spanish Republic. 

Early volunteers came from countries which had already fallen to fascism, such as Italy, Portugal, Austria and Germany, with scores to settle, before and influx of foreign volunteers flooded the Republic. 

Though the United States remained officially neutral in the conflict, President Franklin D. Roosevelt's administration chose not to intervene officially, although the President sought to clandestinely provide some aid to the besieged Republic after 1937.

The Spanish Civil War divided American public opinion between those who supported the Republic and those who condemned the Republican forces for carrying out attacks on the Catholic Church. Isolationism too proved to be an effective motivation for non-intervention. Fears of war and foreign entanglements helped to shape American politics in the 1930s. 

Some 2,800 Americans made their way to Spain to fight on the Republican side, most famously in the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. Those returned veterans would become the subjects of the first serious scientific study of fear in battle, insights that would help the United States prepare its own troops to fight in the Second World War.

For many liberals and leftists throughout the world, the Spanish Civil War represented a dress rehearsal for World War II, a pending conflict between the forces of democracy and fascism. By the mid-1930s, fascism and authoritarianism seemed to be on the rise in Europe. In 1936, when Franco launched his rebellion, right-wing regimes were in power in Germany, Italy, Hungary, Romania, Poland, Portugal, Finland, Austria, and Greece. 

And openly pro-Fascist and pro-Nazi political parties existed in many other countries, including France, Great Britain, and the United States.

The important historical truth is the international flavour of those who volunteered to fight in this brutal war. A total of 59,380 volunteers from fifty-five countries served during the Spanish Civil War jjoining joining the  International Brigade, to fight selflessly  side by side for the ideas of liberty and social justice, solidarity and mutual aid .Rallying to the republican cause. The International Brigade, were so called because their members (initially) came from so many different countries. The International Brigaders were recruited, organized, and directed by the Cominterm (Communist International), with headquarters in Paris. 

A large number of the mostly young recruits were Communists before they became involved in the conflict; more joined the party during the course of the war. This included the following: French (10,000), German (5,000), Polish (5,000), Italian (3,350), American (2,800), British (2,000), Yugoslavian (1,500), Czech (1,500), Canadian (1,000), Hungarian (1,000) and Scandinavian (1,000). Battalions established included the Abraham Lincoln Battalion, British Battalion, Connolly Column and the George Washington Battalion among others.

The British Government decided on a policy of non-intervention, which meant that not only would they not send their military to help, but they also wouldn’t provide financial aid or arms to the Republican government. The main leaders on the Republican side were President Azaña and Prime Ministers Largo Caballero and Negrín.

There are quite a few different theories for why this was: whether the government thought that supporting the Republicans would start the large Europe-wide war they wanted desperately to avoid; because the government believed Germany and Italy to be more powerful and war-ready than they really were; or whether it was the strong anti-Communist sentiment that led the government to be reluctant to support the highly Communist Republican forces. 

On 2 Nov 1937. the  Nazi-Francoist bombed Lleida . Well over 250 people including  50 kids were killed. Maria Riu's grief over the death of her husband captured by Agustí Centelles  is  one of  the  most powerful photos of the Civil War and a universal symbol of pain  and loss. 

Whatever the reason, Britain officially did not lend any support to either side of the conflict, and at the time callously refused to be responsible for the refugee children, known as Basque refugees, though some were from non-Basque regions)  but  throughout the summer children were dispersed to camps throughout Britain for the duration of the war. 

Nearly 4,000 Basque children arrived in the UK in 1937, fleeing from the terrors Franco's fascist Spain.. Over 200 were accommodated at colonies in Caerleon, Swansea, Brechfa and Old Colwyn, and they were warmly welcomed by Welsh people who considered that Welsh miners and the Basques were fighting the same enemy - fascism.

Meanwhile, many members of the public had a completely different response – on either side. The British Union of Fascists (BUF) was very active in Britain at the time, many Catholic intellectuals supported the pro-Catholic ‘Nationalist’ forces, and some Britons even travelled to Spain to support Franco’s forces.  

But far more would travel to Spain to fight for the Republican cause; around 5,000 men made the illegal journey to fight in the International Brigades,  many travelling under false names, and did not list their political affiliations for fear of being captured and singled out because of them. The average age of volunteers was twenty-nine, although the most common age was twenty-three. 

Volunteers came from overwhelmingly working class backgrounds, with large numbers hailing from cities such as London, Manchester, Liverpool and Glasgow. Only a small number of them were unemployed, with large numbers involved in industrial occupations such as labouring, construction, shipbuilding and mining.  

Members of the British Battalion taken by Walter Reuter at Ulldemolins on May 18th, 1938.

Many of these volunteers had been previously involved in fighting the British Union of Fascists at their meetings and marches, such as in Cable Street in October 1936, realizing that direct action in confronting fascism was a highly effective strategy which also revealed its true nature clearly to the public. 

One of the volunteers from the Young Communist League, Wally Togwell, who was a waiter from St. Pancras said: “Wherever the fascists were, our group of the YCL was there also. I was thrown out of the Albert Hall, I took part in anti-Mosley demos at Olympia and Hyde Park, I was at Cable Street helping to erect barricades.” 

 Joseph Garber, a cabinet-maker’s apprentice from Bethnal Green in London, and also a member of the Young Communist League, said: “I decided to go to Spain especially after the Cable Street battles when we stopped the Blackshirts getting through.”  

George Green, a member of the Communist Party who later died in action, wrote the following to his Mother from Barcelona: “Mother dear, we’re not militarists, nor adventurers nor professional soldiers. But a few days ago on the hills the other side of the Ebro, I’ve seen a few unemployed lads from the Clyde, and frightened clerks from Willesden stand up (without fortified positions) against an artillery barrage that professional soldiers could not stand up to. And they did it because to hold the line here and now means that we can prevent this battle being fought again on Hampstead Heath or the hills of Derbyshire.”   

It is clear that politics was a major factor in those who chose to join the International Brigades, and although not everyone was a member of the Communist Party or Young Communist League, such as Winston Churchill’s nephew Esmond Romilly, it was still a left-leaning understanding of the real threat of fascism which fuelled them in their journey.

 A journey that soon became harder to take when in February 1937 volunteering for the Brigades was made illegal following the implementation of the Foreign Enlistment Act and the extension of the Non-Intervention Agreement, which both Britain and France had agreed to alongside over 20 European countries in the early days of the war.

It was this very act of non-intervention which made the International Brigades so vital, as the Spanish Government was denied the support from those counties, while the Nationalists had the full support of both Hitler in Germany and Mussolini in Italy. This was bolstered even further by American multi-nationals who supplied Franco with large quantities of oil and vehicles. 

The balance of forces was clearly against Spain, and without the arms embargo of Britain and France, the Spanish Republic likely would have won. But this did not stop the British people from joining the International Brigades, with many travelling from Victoria Station in London dressed as weekend tourists, travelling to Newhaven before catching a boat to Dieppe, France, then a train to Paris, then to Nimes before getting off at Arles. They would then split into pairs, boarding a coach to Perpignan, before being issued with special shoes and climbing the Pyrenees mountains into Spain. 

All this complicated subterfuge to avoid detection purely because the Non-Intervention Agreement had made it illegal for them, while both Italy and Germany could openly send men into Spain.  After the journey alone, to dismiss the volunteers as adventurists or as an act of youthful folly, would be incorrect. These were people dedicated to the cause, who had to attend interviews and medical examinations before being accepted. Where military experience was first and foremost, but with political understanding and dedication coming a close second.  

One of the most well known volunteers from the Young Communist League was John Cornford, a young poet and student from Cambridge who happened to be the great-grandson of Charles Darwin, and who was the first Englishman to enlist against Franco. 

Just prior to his first Christmas at the front, Cornford wrote home to his girlfriend, Margot Heinemann, saying: “No wars are nice and even revolutionary war is ugly enough. But I’m becoming a good soldier, longish endurance and a capacity for living in the present and enjoying all that can be enjoyed. There’s a tough time ahead but I’ve plenty of strength for it. Well, one day the war will end — I’d give it till June or July and then if I’m alive I’m coming back to you. I think about you often, but there’s nothing I can do but say again, be happy, darling. And I’ll see you again one day.” 

One of the best known poems to emerge from the Spanish Civil War is John Cornford’s love poem to his sweetheart Margot Heinemann (1913-1992). The couple,  met at Cambridge University where they both joined the Communist Party. 

Called simply “Poem” when it was published posthumously in 1937, it is now more commonly titled “To Margot Heinemann”.  Cornford was killed at Lopera, near Córdoba, on 28 December 1936, the day after his 21st birthday. He was fighting with the English-speaking company of La Marseillaise Battalion. Before joining the International Brigades he had served with the semi-Trotskyist POUM militia on the Aragon front – hence the reference to Huesca in his poem. 

Also sometimes known by its first line, ‘Heart of the heartless world’ (paraphrasing Karl Marx), the poem is considered by many to be one of the finest love poems of the 20th century, and the reader’s knowledge of the writer’s fate makes its intimate tenderness and confessional tone all the more poignant.  

 Heart of the heartless world, 

 Dear heart, the thought of you  

Is the pain at my side,  

The shadow that chills my view.   

The wind rises in the evening, 

Reminds that autumn is near.  

I am afraid to lose you,  

I am afraid of my fear.  

On the last mile to Huesca, 

The last fence for our pride,  

Think so kindly, dear 

that I Sense you at my side.   

And if bad luck 

should lay my strength  

Into the shallow grave  

Remember all the good you can:  

Don’t forget my love.

John Cornford (27 December 1915 – 28 December 1936).

About 300 people volunteered from Wales against the tyranny of fascism, with 35 of whom not returning home but the important historical truth is the international flavour of those who volunteered to fight in this brutal war. A great idealistic cause of the first half of the twentieth century, that has been of great interest to me over the years. Two local people from my neck of the woods went to serve Arthur Morris and a Percy Jones. More information here http://irelandscw.com/docs-WelshMorris , I have yet to see a monument erected to them I believe perhaps one day their should be one.

Alongside the war millions of workers collectivised the land and took over industry to pursue their vision of a new society. Fighting valiantly against the reactionary medieval ideology that was Francoism, they tried to stop fascism in their tracks. Their number was severely outnumbered by Franco's forces.
For many it was not just a war to defeat the fascists it was the beginning of a new society ,completely. A revolution in fact, unfortunately revolutions do not succeed when the people are divided.  Their are many lessons to be learnt from this struggle, a struggle that continues to do this day.
The Spanish Civil War was a symbol become reality, it was forged on the class struggle, also the struggle of the artists against tyranny( did not the fascists brutally murder   the  poet Lorca).
It caught the poet's imagination too. Many subsequently joining the International Brigade. Many were determined to fight for Spain, to the international cause of solidarity. Unfortunately as the war progressed many became confused and disillusioned by certain divisions that had begun to set in. Communists  became more intent on destroying Anarchists and Trotskyists instead of standing together against the fascists. A problem that continues to this day with members of the left fighting one another instead of our common enemies. We have a lot of lessons to learn. Complex ideas were fiercely fought but all who stood up against fascism were heroic and worthy of respect, their cause in my opinion just , a flame that will never die, sharing principles of brotherhood of man  and a sense of justice, driven by  political and humanitarian convictions.
It was a  war, that was fought on the most part by ordinary people, for the people. Many courageous brigadiers died, and their were many tales of atrocities and heroism on this cultural battlefield where opposing notions were violently played out. Sincerely and bravely translating their faith into works, ready to endure death in their passionate unswaying convictions.
The Welsh volunteers in particular raised the morale of their comrades, by their unity, their strength, their tenacity and in particular their singing, with the miners amongst them put to good use with their tunnelling skills.

British volunteers continued to be involved in many of the major battles, right up until the last desperate Republican assault across the River Ebro in July 1938. Their casualties in Spain were high, with as many as 626 killed, many others suffering life-changing injuries, and a fair few ending up in fascist prison camps until just after the war. 

The people’s forces fought heroically against big odds. One day after the fascist generals’ revolt began, Deputy of the Spanish Communist Party Dolores Ibárruri coined the famous slogan, “no pasaran!” (They shall not pass!) which inspired the anti-fascist resistance in Spain and around the world.

 

One of the most memorable series of battles involved Franco’s Siege of Madrid, which began November 8, 1936 but lasted until March 28, 1939 due to the stout defence of the city. Soon after the siege began, a new Republican government was installed which armed the trade unionists with rifles (unfortunately a number were not in good working order). 

After Franco initially failed to take Madrid his forces and Italian forces encircled the city, during which time the heavily outnumbered Republican forces scored victories at the battles of Jarama  https://teifidancer-teifidancer.blogspot.com/2024/02/remembering-battle-of-jarama-and-fight.html and Guadalajara in Feburary and March 1937. The Republican forces also captured large quantities of badly-needed materials and equipment. As the siege continued, the main problem for the people’s forces within the city was that they had no aircraft to defend against air attacks. 

The last of the brigaders were withdrawn at the end of 1938 and returned to Britain in December after a farewell parade in Barcelona. In the presence of many thousands of tearful, but cheering, Spaniards, Dolores Ibárruri  addressed them:  “Comrades of the International Brigades! Political reasons, reasons of state, the good of that same cause for which you offered your blood with limitless generosity, send some of you back to your countries and some to forced exile. You can go with pride. You are history. You are legend. You are the heroic example of the solidarity and the universality of democracy… We will not forget you; and, when the olive tree of peace puts forth its leaves, entwined with the laurels of the Spanish Republic’s victory, come back! Come back to us and here you will find a homeland.”   

Upon their return to Britain they were greeted with massive celebrations and an emotional welcome at Victoria Station in London, before returning back to their families and friends, and to their somewhat normal working lives for a brief period of time until the outbreak of WWII. 

During the war itself, 100,000 persons were executed by the Nationalists; after the war ended in spring 1939, another 50,000 were put to death. Martial law remained in place in Franco's Spain until 1948, and former Republicans were subjected to various forms of discrimination and punishment. 

The fighting and persecution resulted in several million Spaniards being displaced. Many fled areas of violence for safe refuge elsewhere. Only a few countries, such as Mexico and the Dominican Republic, opened their doors to Spanish refugees. 

By 1938, in Spain there were 300,000 fighters killed on both sides, with another 200,000 civilians dead in the crossfire, 100,000 executed, 250,000 people imprisoned, many towns destroyed .

The war ended in March 1939 when Franco's forces finally captured Madrid. The policy of "non-intervention" by the British and other western capitalist governments, effectively smothering the Republic to death, contributed to its ultimate defeat in April 1939 and further laid the foundations for the outbreak of the Second World War in Europe just 5 months later.

Though the siege of Madrid lasted two and a half years, today the city bears few visible scars. As the bomb craters were filled in, a silence fell over the cowed populace. A silence that until recently has largely remained unbroken. And yet, out on the edges of the city where the battle raged the fiercest, it’s still possible to find grim reminders of a time when Spain was irreconcilably divided.

Nationalist troops arrive in Madrid,

When the Spanish Civil War ended in 1939, with Franco's victory, some 500,000 Spanish Republicans escaped to France, where many were placed in internment camps in the south, such as Gurs, St. Cyprien, and Les Milles. Following the German defeat of France in spring 1940, Nazi authorities conscripted Spanish Republicans for forced labor and deported more than 30,000 to Germany, where about half of them ended up in concentration camps. Some 7,000 of these became prisoners in Mauthausen; more than half of them died in the camp.

By April 1939, all of Spain was under fascist control and Franco declared a victory .Solidifying his power with a brutal dictatorship by oppressing and systematically killing any political opposition. Over half a million people were killed in the war, and in the next few years many tens of thousands more were executed, not forgetting all those who died from malnutrition, starvation, and war-engendered disease. 

Although the Republic fell and victory did not come to Spain, it influenced the knowledge and opinion of the British public, and  created thousands of new activists, drawing them into the anti-fascist struggle, and contributed massively to the long term defeat of fascism later on in 1945.

When the British Battalion arrived home at Victoria Station that December, a press report said their welcome represented “British democracy spontaneously expressing its abhorrence of Fascism and its appreciation of bravery. They had made history, by forming part of the greatest international democratic army the world has ever known.”  

Their example speaks to us today. Their legacy shouts more loudly across the years than at any modern time. Because it is a living legacy, not of memorials or sepia images, but of anti-fascist action.

Perversely after the Second World War after both Hitler and Mussolini were defeated, Franco was allowed to continue his totalitarian role in Spain, and for years to come his brutal force held sway and continued to destroy lives, dissent was brutally suppressed with many thousands of voices silenced , and  forced into exile.

General Franco's military regime remained in power until his death in 1975 depriving  Spain of freedom for several decades afterwards, and former Republicans were subjected to various forms of discrimination and punishment. Victory for the Francoist side brought economic and political isolation for Spain until the 1950s and the denial of basic rights until the late 1970s. Only in recent years have relatives of the executed started to learn where their loved ones are buried.

Many, many people died in their struggle for a better world, we must never forget, no pasaran, another world is not only possible it is inevitable, we must remain in solidarity with all those who believe in freedom, and social justice. Around the world today you can find monuments and memorials dedicated to the memory of the volunteers who gave their lives for liberty in the face of fascism. There are hundreds of them in Britain alone (www.international-brigades.org.uk/memorials), the most prominent being on the South Bank of London across from Westminster.  

The majority of battlefield monuments erected in Spain during the war were completely destroyed by fascist forces, and many of them around the world today continue to be graffitied upon and damaged. But there is one not so prominent which was found laying in the undergrowth of the remote mountainside of the Sierra Pandols in Catalonia, discovered in spring 2000 having been undisturbed for more than 60 years. It was a makeshift pyramid of three cement blocks laying on top of one another, hurriedly built by Percy Ludwick, a British military engineer, during the intense heat and brutal fighting of August 1938.   

The Sierra Pandols memorial,  has the names of thirty Britons, Canadians and Americans from the 15th International Brigade crudely inscribed upon it, all of whom gave their lives fighting in battles along the Ebro. Among the names are that of Labour Party councillor and Olympic Gold Medallist Lewis Clive, and Young Communist League & Communist Party members David Guest, Harry Dobson, Morris Miller, and Wally Tapsell who, like all those from Britain who died in the Spanish Civil War, have no known graves.

Following the death of Franco Spain’s political parties came together in a Pact of Forgetting – or a Pact of Silence as its opponents christened it – in an attempt to move forward and smooth the transition to democracy by drawing a veil over the dictatorship’s abuses. 

What that meant in reality was removing accountability from any of the criminals involved with the Franco regime – the Amnesty Law enacted in 1977 remains in force to this day – and hiding the truth of the slaughter.  

Efforts have been made since 2007 to overturn parts of this amnesia, most notably in 2022 when President Sanchez signed the Law of Democratic Memory, whose aims include helping to locate and identify the tens of thousands of bodies still lying in unmarked graves.  

Unfortunately, the political situation is as unstable in Spain as everywhere else due to the rise of the far-right, in this case the Vox Party. They are gaining ground and are fundamentally opposed to the new law – in Aragon, which is ruled by a right-wing coalition including Vox, it has already been repealed.  a new democratic government replaced the old regime, and as a gesture of gratitude to the international volunteers who had come to Spain, sixty years after the outbreak of the war, the Spanish Government offered citizenship to the surviving members of the Brigades.

Films like The Silence of Others have shown a new audience that the lost and the crimes perpetrated against them have not and cannot be forgotten. But battles remain to be fought, particularly if the far right continues to gain ground in Spain. 

The  legacy of the Spanish civil war  still haunts the Spanish state, where democratic regression and repression of dissidence —especially in Catalonia— remain all too real.

On  the 90th anniversary of the Spanish Revolution, let's  cherish the heroism of the masses and the courage of individual revolutionaries. Remember  the thousands of workers and peasants who sacrificed their lives in the revolutionary struggle for liberation and socialism. 

We must remember the rank-and-file comrades in the UGT, the CNT, and the POUM, who, despite the grave errors and betrayal by their leaders, continued to fight to the end — some falling in battle or in Franco’s prisons, and others assassinated by Stalin’s agents. 

But memory must be political. It must serve as a pathway for learning the central lessons of the Spanish Revolution. Above all, the revolution demonstrated tragically that the vital determination expressed in the slogan ‘Fascism shall not pass’ is still  ongoing. 

While the spectre of fascism also still haunts and universal equality has still not been achieved.We should not forget the international brigades who preceded us, and we must continue to resist oppressive forces, with our shout of no pasaran. 

A  Selection of Spanish Civil  War Songs

The following are a selection of poems that emerged from this conflict. Powerful and still inspiring.

For the Fallen -W.B. Keal

Brave sons of liberty, fallen in battle,
Fallen that we, their successors, might live,
Bravely they faced the machine-gunner's rattle,
Giving so bravely all they'd to give.

Hurriedly, carelessly, rudely, we buried them,
Buried them quickly, beneath the brown soil.
Hurriedly, quickly, we gave them our blessing,
Then we returned to our heart-breaking toil.

Theirs was no splendour, the fallen in action;
Theirs was no pomp, neither glory nor show,
They were the cream of the Communist fraction
We are the reapers, but they went to sow.

Shall we forget them who never forget us,
Defending the workers, while fighting in Spain?
Shall we stay passive while Fascism threatens us?
Shall their great effort be made all in vain?

Never forget them, the lessons they taught us,
Think of their travail, their suffering, pain!
Raise the Red Standard and help support us,
Lest we see in England what happened in Spain.

To the Mothers of the Dead Militia - Pablo Neruda

They have not died!
they stand upright in the midst of the gunpowder,
they live, burning as brands there.

In the copper-coloured prairie
their pure shadows have come together
like a curtain of armoured wind,
a barrier colour of fury
like that same invisible beast of sky.

Mothers, they are standing amidst the corn
as tall as the profundity of noon
that possesses the giant plains.

They area peal of sombre voices
calling for victory through the shapes of murdered steel.

Sisters as close as
the dust fallen,
hearts that have been broken
keep faith in your dead -
they are not roots only
beneath stones dyed in blood,
not only poor fallen bones
at work now in the finality of earth,
for their mouths are shaping the dry powder ready for action,
they attack in waves of iron,
in their clenched fists lies death's own contradiction.

See, from so many bodies an invincible life rises!
mothers, sons, banners,
in one single being as living as life;
one face made of all the slain eyes is guard in the darkness
with a sword that is strengthened and tempered with human
   hope.

Cast aside your mourning veils, join all of your tears
tillt hey transmute into metal-
so that we may strike day and night,
so that we may hammer day and night,
so that we may spit both day and night,
till the portals of hatred be overthrown.

I have not forgotten your tragedies
and your sons, they are known to me,
and if I have pride in their deaths
in their lives, too, I have pride.
Their smiles
are like flashes in the murk of the workshops,
and in the underground
every day their feet ring by mine.
I have seen
amongst the oranges of Levante
and the fishing-nets of the south,
in the ink of the printshops
and the masonry of the buildings,
I have seen
the flame of their hearts fashioned out of fire and valour.

And, as in your hearts, mothers,
in mine there is so much of death and mourning
that it seems like a forest flooded
with the blood that quenched their smiles;
to it come the furious snows of sleeplessness,
the wrenching solitude of the days.

But beyond your curse on the hyenas
out of Africa, blood-parched, baying their foul cries,
beyond wrath and contempt, beyond tears,
Others, trans pierced by anguish and death,
look into the heart of the new day that is dawning
and know that your dead smile up at you from the earth,
raising their clenched fists above the corn, there, look, they are
    standing!

Translated  from the Spanish by  Nancy Cunard. 

T.E. Nicholas -  In Remembrance of a Son of Wales ( Who Fell in Spain)

Amid the roar of guns that split the air,
   Faint moaning reached him from a tortured field;
He followed to a city passing fair,
   His soul aflame, his flesh a living shield.
There death-charged missiles blazed a trail of woe,
   Leaving each shattered hearth a vain defence
While flocks of iron eagles, swooping low,
   Clawed out the life of cradled innocence.
Far from the hills he loved, he faced the night,
   Bearing, for freedom's sake, an alien yoke;
He fell exalting brotherhood and right,
   His bleeding visage scorched by fire and smoke;
E'en as the sweetest note is born of pain,
So shall the song of songs be born in Spain.

Guernica - A.S Knowland

Irun-Badajoz-Malaga-and then Guernica

So that the swastika and the eagle
might spring from the blood-red soil,
bombs were sown into the earth at Geurnica,
whose only harvest was a calculated slaughter,
Lest freedom should wave between the grasses
and the corn its proud emblem, or love
be allowed to tread its native fields,
Fascism was sent to destroy the innocent,
and, goose-stepping to the exaggerated waving
of the two-faced flag, to save Spain.

But though the soil be saturated with blood
as a very efficient fertilzer, the furrow
of the ghastly Fasces shall remain barren.
The planted swastika, he eagle grafted
on natural stock shall wither and remain sere;
for no uniformed force shall marshall the sap
thrilling to thrust buds into blossoms, or quicken
the dead ends of the blighted branches;
but the soli shall be set against an alien crop
and the seed be blasted in the planting

But strength lies in the strength of the roots.
They shall not pass to ruin Spain!

LONG LIVE THE REVOLUTION - Gonzalez Tunon

The bullfighters are monarchists,
The monks are preachers of fascism.
And the miners of the Asturias?
Long live the revolution!

My grandfather came from Mieres;
His wife from Pola de Siero.
The capital city of my blood
Must surely be called Oviedo!

The Moors are outside Oviedo.
Oviedo they'll never take
Though they'll kill all the Spaniards and threaten
Their wives with murder and rape!

The Regulars are bathing
In the Covadonga flood.
The lords swim at Majorca,
While the miners swim in blood.

In October there are no fiestas
Except those of the season.
But October only means to us
'LONG LIVE THE REVOLUTION!'

translated from the Spanish by A.L. Lloyd

The Hero- Richard Church

I could tell you of a young man
Blown with heroism into Spain.
He had a knapsack of philosophy,
And as he went he scattered the small grain
Of his few songs under the dangerous sky.

A girl, grown fond, thought him too young to die.
She put the memory of their secret joy
Behind her heart, and turned to public deeds,
Neglecting the earth he trod, and his scattered seeds.

But soon she was brought to child-bed, with a boy
Smiling up at her as his father had smiled.
And thankfully she saw that his plump back
Carried no philosophic haversack.
She saw, but only for his mother's breast
That being so, she found she could forgive
The man who died so that a dream might live,
And faith with prudence remain unreconciled.

POEMS REPRINTED FROM
EXCELLENT ANTHOLOGY :-
The penguin Book of
Spanish Civil War Verse
Edited by Valentine Cunningham
1980

( their are so many lovely poems in this collection,
essential reading for anyone interested in this period)

There have been many , many books written on the Spanish Civil War, here are some I would strongly
recommend for further perusal.

Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2006  

Julián Casanova, A Short Histoy of the Spanish Civil War, I.B. Tauris, 2012  

Ronald Fraser, Blood of Spain: Experience of the Civil War, Viking, 1979  

Helen Graham, The Spanish Civil War: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford University Press, 2005  

Paul Peston, The Spanish Civil War, Harper Perennial, 2006

The Spanish Civil War - Hugh Thomas ( Penguin) 1983.

They shall not Pass ( the Spanish people at war 1936-9) -Richard Kirch (wayland publications 1974).

Lessons of the Spanish Revolution -Vernon Richards (freedom press 1972).

Miners against fascism -Wales and the Spanish Civil War - Hywel Francis
( Lawrence and Wishart )1984.

Fleeing Franco How Wales Gave Shelter to Refugee Children from the Basque Country During the Spanish Civil War - Hywel Davies (University of Wales press ).

We Live -Lewis Jones ( library of Wales).