Thursday, 18 December 2025

Choose Love Over Hate

 


Choose Love Over Hate 

Choose love over hate 
Not because hate is weak, 
Because hate is easy 
And corrodes the soul,
Worse, hardens your heart 
That makes it difficult to be kind,
Choosing love, you stay human 
Helping heal a very broken world,
Rejecting all forms of racism 
Islamaphobia, antisemitism,  
Standing for dignity and safety
Caring for all people, sharing empathy,
Divisions in humanity no force for good  
Simply driving and dividing us all apart, 
Imagine a world devoid of wars, hatred, 
Full of love, peace, humanity, solidarity, 
A world where everyone lives free from fear
Allowing senses of bitterness to dissapear,
With civil discourse, carrying hope forward 
Releasing compassion, comforting one another,
Seeking nature's rich colour, beauty and diversity, 
And without exception keep calling for a free Palestine
It's land groaning now under the weight of destruction,
Not forgetting youthful activists starving in UK prisons
Hungry for freedom, driven by passionate devotion,
Bodies sapped of strength, their storys silenced
Despite courage, health rapidly deteriorating, 
The haters sneer and laugh at the sidelines 
Treat these brave people’s lives with contempt,
In the quiet hours, where hope feels strangled
And all around darkness embraces our shadows,
Thoughts get weary, grow tired and tangled 
When tears of rage flow, choose love everytime.

Wednesday, 17 December 2025

Solidarity with the Hunger Strikers.

 

The Labour government are loyal to one thing only - their capitalist and imperialist interests.  In that pursuit, they will allow the death of those who sought to stop a genocide.  
The contempt they have shown is extraordinary - especially considering the scale of the backlash they received when proscribing Palestine Action in the first place.  
Eight pro-Palestine activists in UK prisons  are on a coordinated hunger strike—the largest in the UK since the 1981 Irish republican protests led by Bobby  Sands .
The hunger strikers Jon Cink, Heba Muraisi, Qesser Zuhrah, Amu Gib, Teuta Hoxha, Kamran Ahmed and Umer Khalid with others joining later are political prisoners in prison for over a year without trial. They allegedly took action to prevent weapons from being sent to Israel to be used in genocide. Now the government  is holding them in inhumane conditions in prison, violating their rights. Five have been hospitalized, and reports highlight inadequate medical care, censorship of communications, and prison refusals for urgent transfers. 
The hunger  strikers have now gone without food for over a month, and several are now in critical medical condition. If time allows: These prisoners have five demands: 
End all censorship of their mail and communications; 
Release them from custody while awaiting trial; 
That they be given access to their legal documents to ensure their right to a fair trial; 
That the UK government de-proscribe the organization Palestine Action;
and that the UK government shut down all Elbit Systems facilities.
These brave young  people  are victims of a system that has used the Terrorism Act to attempt to silence opposition to Israel’s genocide who are now at serious life-threatening risk. They must be given fair trials. They are representatives of an enormous shift in consciousness amongst young people. They will inspire others. Starmer inspires  absolutely  nothing. 
This is Qesser Zuhrah, one of the Palestine Action activists on remand she is being physically abused and mistreated by the British State for trying to stop the British-backed genocide in Palestine,she hasn’t eaten for over 40 days and may soon die, along with others, unless David Lammy intervenes urgently. She faces critical health issues like chest pains, breathlessness, and an abnormal ECG, leaving her unable to stand. 


Zarah Sultana arrived at 2:30 a.m., urged prison staff via intercom, and pressed Justice Secretary David Lammy to act as doctors warned the facility lacks tests like blood work or scans. 
Supporters including MPs Nadia Whittome and Shockat Adam say ambulances have been refused, while critics call the condition self-inflicted; no ambulance had arrived by early afternoon amid growing pressure over remand care for pro-Palestine activists.
Despite attempts at police intervention, Zarah refused to leave until Bronzfield allowed Zuhrah, who hasn't eaten for more than 40 days and is in desperate need of hospital care, to be taken to hospital. 
Am  relieved to hear that Quesser Zuhrah wasfinally  taken to hospital to receive medical attention following the outstanding efforts of Zarah Sultana and many dedicated humanitarians, local activists and union branches demonstrating outside HMP Bronzefield.
Literally any criticism I had of Zarah Sultana is irrelevant now, completely swept away by the fact that she is  the only politcian to show up and try and save the life of Qesser Zuhrah. Thank you Zarah Sultana shame on those who remain silent while claiming to be pro-Palestine.
The urgency of this devastating situation has already led to letters to David Lammy from over 100 healthcare professionals, while nearly 50 MPs have backed a motion calling on the Justice Secretary to engage with the Palestine Action hunger strikers. David Lammy can no longer ignore MPs calls and must act urgently.


Several UN human rights experts have  also written to the British government expressing deep concern at the detention of the activists, even stating that the conditions around their arrest could constitute “enforced disappearance" under international law. 
There has been a long history of hunger strikes in British prisons, most notably in the struggle for an end to British occupation of Ireland. It is deeply alarming that the government has failed to acknowledge these young activists or their demands. Every day their health deteriorates further, yet the state remains silent. 
The treatment of these prisoners, and the persecution of peaceful protestors and their supporters under anti-terror legislation, are the latest steps in a shameful campaign against civil liberties and basic democratic rights carried out by this Labour government. 
These actions have been met with outrage by the British public, reflected in the thousands of protestors acting in defiance and Labour’s collapsing position in the polls. By charging peaceful protestors under terrorism offences, the government shows open contempt for the democratic rights that generations of trade unionists and civil liberties groups fought to secure. What is done to these activists today can be done to any group tomorrow
Those with responsibility must ensure all these people on hunger strike get access to the specific medical interventions required to prevent the totally avoidable loss of lives. 
The denial of their right to communicate freely with their legal counsel, their pre-trial imprisonment - which has gone on for over a year already in some cases - and the severe restrictions placed on their detention, must all end immediately.  
None of these individuals have been convicted of a crime and yet are facing pre-trial detention of up to – and in some cases beyond - 18 months, far exceeding the UK’s standard time limit.
Prosecutors must also immediately drop the allegations of a ‘terrorism connection’ in these cases and end this excessively lengthy pre-trial imprisonment. 
The  hunger  strikers are experiencing dizziness, muscle twitching, unstable blood sugar, failing vision and chest tightness. This is the point where the body begins to shut down and the risk of death is no longer distant or abstract. The fortitude and determination it takes to put your body through such trauma shows how  courageous these activists  are.
The most morally principled, brave and if we are honest the only ones who did what really had to be done to try to stop the genocide, were those who did direct action with Palestine Action, knowing they would face arrest and imprisonment. As they are being slowly murdered by Keir Starmer they are being systematically erased by the media and political class in the UK. the Palestine Action activists represent the best of humanity, and they will be remembered as such by history. 
The Palestine Action hunger strikers' dire situation ' is a shameful moment for the UK government. It's shocking that these activists have been forced to resort to such desperate measures to bring attention to their plight and the cruel misuse of terrorism law
There have been protests supporting the hunger strikers across the UK, including rallies at several BBC offices calling for the corporation to cover the story. They are being punished for disrupting Britain’s role in arming Israel and for refusing silence as Gaza is destroyed. For this, they are being left to starve in prison, ignored by the government and increasingly erased from public view. We have seen this before. Britain has allowed hunger strikers to die. 
At the same time while Palestinians continue to live under the devastation of Israel’s genocide, the UK government continues to give Israel political cover – by continuing arms exports, maintaining trade with illegal settlements, and refusing to use its leverage to ensure Israel allows aid into Gaza or upholds the ceasefire.
Protesters  are  currently gathering outside Parliament as Prime Minister’s Questions take place, demanding attention to the hunger strikers and their demands.
I stand in solidarity with prisoners in UK prisons on hunger strike for justice.We cannot allow their conditions to deteriorate further. Please stand with the hunger strikers  too. The hunger strikers are a present day reminder of the necessity to resist injustice. Left with no other options, they're using their bodies as a way to continue their resistance behind bars. They are modern day heroes, and we should all rally behind them. No one should be criminalised for legitimately protesting against genocide.
All eyes on the best of us. As much noise as possible needs to be made in solidarity with the hunger strikers in the UK. A society that has no red lines, is no society at all. Pressure matters. Time matters. This is urgent, a matter of life or death,for updates or to show support, groups like Prisoners for Palestine https://prisonersforpalestine.org/ and Palestine Solidarity Campaign 
https://palestinecampaign.org/  are organizing actions.
The suffragettes, now a diamond in Britain’s progressive history, are just one example of a group that used direct action to further their political aims. And yet, if they were protesting today, they would have faced the same ban as Palestine Action.  Please, sign and share this campaign to put as much pressure as possible on David Lammy to force him to act.

Tuesday, 16 December 2025

Sitting Bull : Symbol of Native American resistance ( c. 1831 – December 15, 1890 )


Photo: Sitting Bull, c. 1883

Today I remember legendary Native American  warrior,  Lakota Sioux chief  and  medicine  man Tȟatȟáŋka Íyotake, otherwise  known as Sitting Bull  who was born in 1831 a few miles below where Bullhead, South Dakota, now stands to a prominent Hunkpapa Lakota family, as both his father and two uncles were chiefs in the tribe in a village a few miles below where Bullhead, South Dakota.
As a child he was given the name Jumping Badger and was called “slow” due to his demeanor. Throughout his childhood, he participated in traditional games and competitions that tested a young man’s skills.
The youth grew to manhood as a member of the Hunkpapa tribe, one of seven among the Teton Lakota, the westernmost division of the Sioux Confederation. His people thrived as a nomadic hunter-warrior society. As an infant strapped to a baby-board, he was carried by his mother as the tribe roamed the northern Plains hunting buffalo. At five years, he rode behind his mother on her horse and helped as best he could around the camp.
By the age of ten, he rode his own pony, wrapping his legs around the curved belly of the animal (a practice that caused him to be slightly bowlegged for the remainder of his years). He learned to hunt small game with bow and arrows and to gather berries. He reveled in the games and races, swimming and wrestling with the other boys. His was an active and vigorous life, and he loved it.  
The warrior dimension of Lakota male life came more into focus as the boy grew. The Tetons concentrated most of their wrath on the Crow and Assiniboin Indians at first, and the whites at a later time. 
The hub of Lakota society centered on gaining prestige through heroic acts in battle. Counting coups by touching an enemy with a highly decorated stick was top priority. The Lakota lad learned his lessons well, and, at the age of fourteen, he joined a mounted war party. He picked out one of the enemy, and, with a burst of enthusiasm and courage, he charged the rival warrior and struck him with his coup stick. After the battle, word of this heroic deed spread throughout the Hunkpapa village. The boy had reached a milestone in his development; for the remainder of his life, he enjoyed telling the story of his first coup.
Around the campfire that night, his proud father, Jumping Bull, gave his son a new name. He called him Sitting Bull after the beast that the Lakota respected so much for its tenacity. A buffalo bull was the essence of strength, and a “sitting bull” was one that held his ground and could not be pushed aside.  In 1857, Sitting Bull became a chief of the Hunkpapa. He had ably demonstrated his abilities as a warrior, and his common sense and his leadership traits showed promise of a bright future for him. Although his physical appearance was commonplace, he was convincing in argument, stubborn, and quick to grasp a situation. These traits gained for him the respect of his people as a warrior and as a statesman. 
During this time, Sitting Bull advocated against the Lakotas forming relationships with white settlers. However, there were many members within the tribe that were open to developing these relationships for commerce and diplomacy purposes. Sitting Bull was opposed to this and continued to avoid white settlements until later in his life.   
Although born in Dakota territory, Sitting Bull’s people weren’t involved in the Dakota War of 1862, where several bands of eastern Dakota people killed an estimated 300 to 800 settlers and soldiers in south-central Minnesota in response to poor treatment by the government. 
But in 1863/64 while they were still fighting the Civil War, the United States army retaliated against bands that had not been involved anyway, involving Sitting Bull, who, along with many others, defended his people. In a time of many tribes with different idiosyncratic tendencies and rivalries, Sitting Bull was elected to lead, some say as the “Supreme Chief of the whole Sioux Nation”, however this has also been refuted as the Lakota society was highly decentralized, still, Sitting Bull was seen by many as a great leader. 
A year later  in 1864, the man leading the campaign into the Dakotas, Brigadier General Alfred Sully, would attack a village of 8,000 Sioux that included Sitting Bull.. 
The Sioux had captured Fanny Kelly, a white American woman, and the U.S. wasn't happy about it. The attack was brutal and much of the Sioux was forced to retreat to the Badlands while leaving the majority of their possessions behind, according to the National Park Service. 
In 1866, the Lakotas led by Chief Red Cloud had launched a campaign against forts along the Bozeman Trail. After two years of hostilities, the monumental 1868 Treaty of Fort Laramie was signed. The Lakotas in attendance agreed to end hostilities and move to a reservation in what would later become South Dakota.   
Sitting Bull had refused to be a part of these treaty negotiations and, therefore, did not agree to its conditions. He believed that the conditions only applied to those who agreed to the treaty in the first place. Thus began a deep fracture between the Lakotas: those who followed Red Cloud onto the reservation and those who followed Sitting Bull and continued their way of life.   
During the period of 1868-76, Sitting Bull developed into the most important of Native American chiefs, refusing to become dependent on government support and having his people living on government enforced reservations, and was joined by many others who didn’t want to fall under subjugation. Sitting Bull welcomed all tribes and people to join with him peacefully, nourishing them and providing support, and his camp continually expanded into a community of over 10,000 people.   
In the summer of 1874, gold was discovered in the Black Hills. The territory belonged to the Sioux according to the 1868 Treaty of Fort Laramie, but, after the discovery, the United States sought to buy the land from them. Despite the Sioux’s opposition to selling their land, the United States still continued allowing white settlers to move to the Black Hills. Controversy over possession of the lands known as the Black Hills, and the second 1868 Treaty of Fort Laramie were critical factors that pitted Plains Indians tribes against the US. federal government. 
In November of 1875, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs gave Sitting Bull  an ultimatum and told him that  he  and the rest of his tribe that they had  until January 31, 1876, to move onto their reservation otherwise they would be considered hostile against the U.S government. Sitting Bull and the non-treaty Lakotas, as they were called, refused and instead prepared for battle. 
In late 1875, the Sioux and Cheyenne Indians defiantly left their reservations, outraged over the continued intrusions of whites into their sacred lands in the Black Hills. Soon, the recalcitrant Indians gathered in Montana with the great warrior Sitting Bull to fight for their lands.
As tensions between U.S. forces and Sitting Bull’s people rapidly intensified, the Lakota chief looked for spiritual guidance. And in early June 1876, Sitting Bull decided to initiate a Sun Dance ceremony.  During this ceremony, Sitting Bull famously danced for 36 hours straight. He then made 50 sacrificial cuts on each arm. As blood ran down his limbs, he reportedly entered a trance, and had a clear vision of victory.   
When he emerged, Sitting Bull announced that he’d seen U.S. soldiers plunging into a Native American camp like grasshoppers falling from the sky. In the vision, the men were upside down. Some were even losing their hats. It was a sign, the chief declared. Soon, the Lakota people and their allies would triumph over the U.S. troops. And just weeks later, they did. Not only did Native American warriors emerge victorious at the Battle of the Rosebud , where they defeated General George Crook  but they also won an even bigger victory at the Battle of the Little Bighorn shortly thereafter.  
On June 25, Lt. Col. George Armstrong Custer and his 7th Cavalry attacked the Lakotas and Cheyenne along the Little Bighorn River. Here, one of the most famous battles in American history took place — the Battle of Little Bighorn. When Custer’s 7th Cavalry attacked their camp on the Little Big Horn River (known as the Greasy Grass River to the Lakota) on June 25, 1876, they didn’t realize how large the camp was. More than 2,000 Native American warriors had left their reservations to follow Sitting Bull, and being inspired by his vision where he saw the soldiers being killed upon entering the camp, they fought back,
While waiting aid from the other Cavalry forces, another group of Indian forces, led by Crazy Horse, effectively trapped Custer and his men. In a desperate attempt to hold off the Indian warriors, Custer ordered his men to shoot their horses and stack their bodies to form a barricade to protect them from the Indians. It took less than an hour for the arrows and bullets of the Indians to annihilate General Custer and his men. And as Sitting Bull’s warriors squared off against the U.S. troops during the bloody battle, the chief protected the tribal women and children and kept them out of harm’s way.  


Many still tend to learn about Custer dying bravely during battle, for example, but not about the bravery of the Native Americans who defended themselves against settlers of European descent who were there illegally. 
What doesn’t fit neatly into the Custer story of the popular imagination is the 1868 Treaty of Laramie, which had given the area where the battle took place to Lakota. To some historians, the Battle of the Little Bighorn happened because the Second Treaty of Fort Laramie, in which the U.S. government guaranteed to the Lakota and Dakota (Yankton) as well as the Arapaho exclusive possession of the Dakota Territory west of the Missouri River, had been broken. 
We  rarely learn about either the Battle of the Washita, which took place eight years before Little Bighorn and in which Custer led an attack on a village of mostly Southern Cheyenne people and rounded up women and children as prisoners.
Sitting Bull and his peoples victory didn’t last long, Custer’s defeat, poignantly dubbed Custer’s Last Stand, shocked and enraged the U.S. government. Soon, more U.S. soldiers flooded west with revenge on their minds, as Custer was considered a national hero, The aftermath of the  battle also meant ceaseless harassment from the government to non-treaty Indians. 
Realizing the constant threat of the U.S. government, Sitting Bull in May 1877, led his followers into Canada, where he remained in exile for four years. He was even offered a pardon and a chance to return, but refused.  
In 1881, a memorial was erected over the mass grave of the Seventh Cavalry soldiers, U.S. Indian Scouts, and other personnel killed in The  Battle of Little Bighorn battle. In 1940, the battlefield’s jurisdiction was transferred to the National Park Service.  
Over the years, the American Public’s sentiment towards Custer’s image and the Battle of the Little Bighorn has changed as the recognition of the general mistreatment of Native Americans during America’s westward expansion has increased.  
In 1991, the U.S. Congress changed the battlefield’s name from Custer Battlefield National Monument to Little Bighorn Battlefield National Monument and ordered the construction of an Indian Memorial.  Today, additional red granite memorials have been erected to commemorate the Indians who fought there, including Cheyenne warriors Lame White Man and Noisy Walking, Lakota warriors Long Road and Dog’s Back Bone.
When crossing the border into Canadian territory, Sitting Bull was met by the Mounties of the region. During this meeting, James Morrow Walsh, commander of the North-West Mounted Police, explained to Sitting Bull that the Lakota were now on British soil and must obey British law. Walsh emphasized that he enforced the law equally and that every person in the territory had a right to justice. Walsh became an advocate for Sitting Bull and the two became good friends for the remainder of their lives.
While in Canada, Sitting Bull also befriended Crowfoot, the leader of the Blackfeet, a long-time enemy of his tribe. However, his presence in Canada increased tensions between that nation and the US. Additionally, there were fewer buffalo to hunt, so his people were starving. Eventually Sitting Bull was so desperate for his people, who at this time, contained only 190 or so people. that he and his followers returned to America and surrendered at Fort Buford on July 19, 1881. 
He proclaimed, “I, Takanka Iyotanka, wish it to be remembered that I was the last man of my tribe to surrender my rifle.”  
Tatanka Iyotake made the following statement to journalist James Creel in 1882:  “This land belongs to us, for the Great Spirit gave it to us when he put us here. We were free to come and go, and to live in our own way. But the white men, who belong to another land, have come upon us, and are forcing is to live according to their ideas. That is an injustice, we have never dreamed of making white men live as we live.  White men like to dig in the ground for their food. My people prefer to hunt the buffalo as their fathers did. White men like to stay in one place. My people want to move their tipis here and there to different hunting grounds. The life of white men is slavery. They are prisoners in towns or farms. The life my people want is a life of freedom. I have seen nothing that a white man has, houses or railways or clothing or food that is as good as the right to move in the open country, and live in our own fashion. Why has our blood been shed by your soldiers?  
Sitting Bull drew a square on the ground with his thumbnail.
" There! Your soldiers made a mark like that in our country, and said that we must live there. They fed us and sent doctors. They said we should live without having to work. But they told us that we must go only so far in this direction, and only so far in that direction. They gave us meat, but took away our liberty. The white men had many things we wanted, but we could see that they did not have the one thing we liked best-freedom. I would rather live in a tipi and go without meat when game is scarce than give up my privileges as a free Indian, even though I could have all that white men have. We marched across the lines of our reservation, and the soldiers followed us. They attacked our village, and we killed them all. What would you do if your home was attacked? You would stand up like a brave man and defend it. That is our story. I have spoken.”  
What Sitting Bull said applies to our “modern” age. We are a pathetic civilization that pays to live and eat, instead of acting as stewards of nature and relying upon its abundance.
By the 1890s, a long and desperate struggle on the part of Native American tribes to stem the tide of US expansion was lost. The Plains Indians perhaps suffered the destruction of their way of life and livelihood more acutely than any other.
Sitting Bull and his followers  would spend  20 months at Fort Randall as prisoners of war, before returning north to live on the Standing Rock Reservation. 
In 1884, Sitting Bull was invited to tour Canada and the northern US in a show called the “Sitting Bull Connection.” During this tour, he met and befriended Annie Oakley. He was impressed with her shooting ability and symbolically adopted her as his daughter. He called her “Little Sure Shot,” a name she used throughout her career.  
The following year, Sitting Bull was again invited to travel, this time as part of Buffalo Bill’s Wild West show. He received $50 a week to ride around the arena but was only allowed to tour for one season.  . He also gave speeches urging education for children and improving relations between the Sioux and whites.
Sitting Bull remained to his death the white man’s boldest, strongest and most stubborn opponent. He battled the land agreements of 1888 and 1889, which demanded the return of half the Great Sioux Reservation for white settlement and divided the rest into six separate reservations; when the federal government exploited Sioux factionalism amongst the “government-appointed chiefs” in order to obtain the necessary signatures for this new so-called treaty, Sitting Bull alone refused to sign; and, somehow, he remained a beacon of hope amongst his increasingly hopeless people.
And thanks to the Battle of Little Bighorn, Sitting Bull had become a living legend and had garnered enough fame that he was able to live off of his fame by charging money for autographs and pictures. 
As was true with vulnerable people all over the world, falling victim to introduced diseases, slavery and dispossession, a strong, utopian movement took root among the Plains Indians, known as the Ghost Dance. This was a movement that promised a supernatural return to a time before the arrival of the white man, manifest in specific songs and dances communicated to their profits and seers. Such spiritual accouterment as ‘Ghost Shirts’ were worn as protection against white man’s bullet’s, and a mood of defiance, perhaps even belligerence began to be expressed. 
Naturally, the US authorities, receiving intelligence of this, interpreted the Ghost Dance as a war dance of some sort, and an obvious preliminary to an uprising or rebellion. It was therefore decided to nip any militant ambitions in the bud by implementing a crackdown. 
Sitting Bull did not fully embrace the movement albeit he was curious about it. Although Sitting Bull did not lead the movement, many of his followers practiced it, and officials feared his influence could turn spiritual expression into armed resistance. Fearing he and his followers would leave the reservation, and  scared that Sitting  Bull still revered as a spiritual leader, would join the Ghost Dancers as well, on December 15th, 1890 at 5:30 AM roughly 40 Indian officers descended on Sitting Bull’s home with orders to arrest him. 
The Indian policemen burst into Sitting Bull’s cabin and dragged him outside, where his followers were gathering to protect himThe proud chief didn’t go without a fight. After a brief scuffle with the Indian officers, one of history’s greatest resisters of colonialism and staunch fighter for the traditional ways of the Lakota would lay dead from shots to the head and chest. Eight Indians were also killed, including Sitting Bull's  son, Crow Foot, and several others wounded. 
Sitting Bull was buried in the military cemetery at Fort Yates. His funeral was attended by hundreds of Native Americans and was a solemn and mournful occasion. His death was  also  seen as a tragic loss to the Native American community,  his crime? Leading resistance against colonialism and its campaign of land seizure, broken treaties, and cultural destruction.
Sitting Bull’s death was not an isolated incident. It removed a respected leader and intensified a climate of fear and repression. The events that followed exposed the brutal consequences of federal policy toward Indigenous nations at the end of the 19th century. And remembering Sitting Bull means understanding how his killing marked the final steps toward one of the darkest episodes in American history.
Following the killing of Sitting Bull, panic spread across the reservation, and 300 Hunkpapa Lakota fled the Standing Rock Reservation out of fear, and joined Spotted Elk (later called "Big Foot") and his band of Miniconjou Lakota on the Cheyenne River Reservation.  
Spotted Elk's arrest was sought soon after Sitting Bull's death. On December 23, 1890, Spotted Elk led the Miniconjou Lakota, along with 38 Hunkpapa Lakota, from the Cheyenne River Reservation to the Pine Ridge Reservation, seeking shelter and food for the winter with Red Cloud and his band of Oglala Lakota.  
On December 29, 1890, the 7th Cavalry intercepted the band of over 350 Lakota at the village of Wounded Knee. The cavalrymen insisted that the Lakota give up all their arms. A deaf man, by the name of Black Coyote, couldn't hear the order and resisted giving up his gun. After a struggle, the gun went off.  
The Cavalry was already in position, and its members had been drinking throughout the night. They started shooting at the defenseless Lakota. At the end of the bloodshed,  up to 300 Lakota were killed and 50 wounded, along with 26 Cavalry members killed and 39 wounded. It later came out that the dead and wounded Cavalry members were casualties of friendly fire since the soldiers surrounded the Lakota, their bullets went astray and hit their own men.  
American Horse, an Oglala Lakota chief, described the inhumanity of the 7th Cavalry:  There was a woman with an infant in her arms who was killed as she almost touched the flag of truce...A mother was shot down with her infant; the child, not knowing that its mother was dead, was still nursing...The women as they were fleeing with their babies were killed together, shot right through...and after most all of them had been killed, a cry was made that all those who were not killed or wounded should come forth, and they would be safe. Little boys...came out of their places of refuge, and as soon as they came in sight, a number of soldiers surrounded them and butchered them there.  
A blizzard blanketed the plains for next three days, leaving the dead and wounded covered in snow. Frozen into horrifying postures, the dead women, children and men laid there until the blizzard cleared. Then the federal government paid white settlers $2 per body to dump the corpses in a mass grave at the top of the Wounded Knee Hill. Among the frozen corpses, Spotted Elk was identified, and in an act of dominance, the settlers scalped him. The Wounded Knee massacre marked the end of the Indian Wars and the total subjugation of the Lakota tribes. https://teifidancer-teifidancer.blogspot.com/2018/12/wounded-knee-massacre-never-forget.html 
The Ghost Dance movement also died that day, and Wounded Knee is now remembered as an iconic moment in Native American resistance, and symbolic of the wider destruction of an ancient people, removed from their ancient occupation of the land.
Since his death, Sitting Bull  however has become a symbol of resistance and freedom for not just the Lakota, but for other Indigenous peoples and oppressed communities around the world. He is remembered not just for his military victories over the colonial settler state, the United States, but also for his fierce rejection to accept, whether through force or assimilation, the ways of the wasicu (fat takers). He understood freedom. Not the false sense of freedom that exists by the now larger general public, but freedom in its truest most natural sense.  
Sitting Bull understood well also that the Western world offered only the promise of enslavement, prisoners to their own institutions and ideologies. Through his eyes, during his trips back East, he saw a world that benefitted the elite that held no compassion for the natural world, or even cared for its own children. It is often repeated that Tatanka Iyotake was baffled at the sight of poor white children begging for food on the streets of east coast cities.
Sitting Bull's legacy as a courageous and respected leader endures. He remains a powerful symbol of Indigenous sovereignty, cultural pride, and enduring resistance against injustice, inspiring generations through his courage and steadfast defense of his people's traditions. 
The story of his remains has compounded the tragedy of his death. In 1953, one of Sitting Bull's descendants by marriage, Clarence Grey Eagle (the son of one of the Indian police who arrested Sitting Bull), and a group of businessmen from Mobridge obtained an opinion from the Bureau of Indian Affairs that the descendants of Sitting Bull should determine his final burial site. 
On April 8 of that year, the group used the BIA letter as justification for the clandestine relocation of the great chief's remains to a site in the southern portion of the Standing Rock Reservation that overlooks the Missouri River near Mobridge.  
Less than five months later, South Dakota dedicated a memorial to Sitting Bull on the site of the relocated remains. A bust created by famed sculptor Korczak Ziolkowski (well known for the Crazy Horse monument in the Black Hills) was erected to commemorate the gravesite. 
Ziolkowski actually boycotted the dedication ceremony for the monument by Governor Sigurd Anderson because exploiting the ceremony for political and economic gain was against the wishes of Sitting Bull's descendants. 
Both the original gravesite in Ft. Yates, ND, and the current site have tremendous significance today. Sensitive to the exploitation of Native Americans and the suspect way Sitting Bull's remains were handled in the past, a commitment has been made not to exploit or commercialize the Sitting Bull monument for financial gain. The statue is in an isolated park that remains serene, impressive, and free to visitors. 
Every December, Native Americans conduct an annual ceremony at Sitting Bull’s burial site to commemorate him and offer prayers in his honor. His story is a reminder of the struggles and sacrifices made by Native Americans in the face of colonization and oppression, and serves as a testament to the resilience and strength of Indigenous communities. His life was defined by bravery, resilience, and a steadfast defense of his people’s way of life.


Monday, 15 December 2025

Giuseppe "Pino" Pinelli (21 October 1928 – 15 December 1969): Accidental Death of an Anarchist.


Giuseppe Pinelli

On December 12, 1969 a bomb went off in the Agricultural Bank in Milan killing 17 people and wounding 100. Immediately after the bombing fascists of the Italian Social Movement (MSI) distributed leaflets denouncing the 'red terror' and police in Milan went into action, sweeping up a number of socialist, communist and anarchist activists in the city. 
One of these was Giuseppi Pinelli  a 41 year old railway worker and anarchist activist, who was  also, well known as a pacifist opposed to individual acts of violence. he was arrested and taken to Milan police headquarters for questioning. He had an alibi as he was at an anarchist circle meeting when the bomb exploded but police held him anyway without formal charges. 
Pinelli  nicknamed  Pino  was born on 21 October 1928 to Alfredo Pinelli and Rosa Malacarne in the then working class area of Porta Ticinese, Milan, Pinelli left school early to supplement the family income, taking jobs as a waiter and a warehouseman. Pinelli had already decided which side to take, when, at the age of sixteen, he became a partisan dispatch rider of a libertarian brigade. working with a group of anarchist partisans who were his first encounter with libertarian thought. In 1954 he joined the railways as a labourer. In 1955 he married Licia Rognoni whom he met at an evening Esperanto class; they soon had two daughters, Silvia and Claudia. 
This is his story, which is not just the story of the eighteenth victim of the bombing of Piazza Fontana, but of a man who loved his family and was proud of his job, who read poetry and flew kites, a man who lived his time with passion, fighting for a better future. 
Already politically active with anti-Fascist groups, Pinelli became increasingly interested in libertarianism, a philosophy that favours minimal state intervention in the lives of citizens, and in anarchism, whose proponents believe in the abolition of all government and the organisation of society by voluntary co-operation.  
Pinelli was a member of a group that eventually evolved into the Ponte della Ghisolfa Anarchist Club, named after a railway viaduct visible from the Porta Garibaldi station, where Pinelli worked.  
After the student unrest in France in 1968, such groups saw their memberships swell as young Italians also began to challenge authority and the state.  
That period was also the beginning of the so-called Years of Lead in Italy, when social and political tension was frequently punctuated by acts of terrorism, of which the Piazza Fontana bombing, the target of which was the Banca Nazionale dell'Agricoltura, was the first major incident involving civilian deaths.  
Over the next decade or so, organisations at both extremes of the political spectrum, from the Brigate Rosse (Red Brigades) on the left to the far-right Ordine Nuovo (New Order), were responsible for bombings and assassinations, including the kidnap and murder of former prime minister Aldo Moro and the bombing of Bologna railway station.   
The situation was complicated by the existence, admitted only later, of the CIA-sponsored Operation Gladio, a secret network that aimed to manipulate events in a way designed to diminish support for Italy's Communist Party.  
The Piazza Fontana incident, which was later established as the work of Ordine Nuovo, was initially blamed on left-wing extremists and sparked a crackdown on such groups, although Pinelli was unaware of this when police turned up at his door within just a few hours of the explosion. 
He was used to dealing with the police, although it was usually over matters such as licensing of premises and permission to stage public gatherings. 
Luigi Calabresi, at it happened, was the officer he dealt with most, and there was no evidence of serious friction between them.  Pinelli did not need to be arrested, voluntarily following the patrol car to the police station on his motorbike.  What he did not expect was to find the station packed with other activists rounded up in a general sweep and to be detained for well over the 48 hours permitted, and subjected to intense questioning. He certainly did not foresee that he would never return home. 
For 3 days and nights, Pinelli was interrogated relentlessly in the office of Police Commissioner Luigi Calabresi. He was denied sleep, denied a lawyer, and subjected to psychological pressure to confess to a bombing he didn't commit. 
Then, at midnight on December 15 1969, Giuseppe Pinelli fell from a 4th floor window of the police headquarters and died on the pavement below. Police immediately claimed he jumped in a moment of guilt confessing to the bombing just before his suicidal leap. 
But the evidence told a different story. Pinelli's body showed injuries inconsistent with suicide. Witnesses reported hearing screams and sounds of struggle before the fall. The window was small and high making an accidental fall nearly impossible. Most damning Pinelli had an airtight alibi for the bombing and later investigations proved the explosives used were military grade TNT unavailable to anarchist groups. 
According to the authorities present at the interrogation (Guida and Calabresi), he managed to jump all the chairs, tables etc in the way and jump out of the window and killed himself. They also had various testimonies that changed every day, one day they said that he jumped without saying  a word, another day they said that he jumped yelling "anarchy is dead", another day they said that he had been extremely happy and joked a lot, the day after that the police declared that he had been in constant pain which is how they justified the fact that they called the ambulance 15 minutes before he was found dead outside the building. 
Giuseppe Pinelli didn't commit suicide. He was murdered by police to silence an innocent man being framed for state sponsored terrorism. His death, later called the first victim of the Strategy of Tension beyond the 17 killed at Piazza Fontana, exposed the Italian state's willingness to kill its own citizens to maintain the false anarchist narrative and protect the real neo fascist bombers.
On December 20th Giuseppi Pinelli's  funeral was attended by more then a thousand people in Milano, Italy. The funeral was a mass demonstration in protest at the police murder of the anarchist rail worker as part of the strategy of tension. 

 
These events sent a shock wave throughout Italy. There were demonstrations, articles in the press, inquires, etc. In 1971, the policemen in charge of the investigation, Calabresi, was charged with manslaughter. Calabresi, in turn, launched a lawsuit against Lotta Continua, the newspaper who had exposed many of the inconstancies in the police version of events. These came to an end in May on 1972 when Calabresi was assassinated in front of his house by 'unknown assailants.' 
Elio Petri, Italy’s greatest political film director of the 1970s, would  make a two-part investigative documentary on the death of Giuseppe Pinelli entitled Documents on Pinelli. Petri, actor Gian Maria Volonte’ and screenwriter Ugo Pirro would continue to collaborate throughout the decade in a series of films based on political and social issues.    
It was a generation of journalists who began to uncover and reveal many of the details of Piazza Fontana and the death of Pino Pinelli in police custody (alongside the subsequent legal persecution of another innocent anarchist, Pietro Valpreda).
Camilla Cederna's book Pinelli: A Window Onto the Massacre is still a model of investigative reporting even though it was originally published less than two years after Piazza Fontana and Pinelli’s death in police custody.   
But in June 1970, a book coming from outside of the traditional field of journalism would have a powerful impact on a whole generation. Selling more copies than all other volumes on Piazza Fontana and the Pinelli case put together, the volume entitled A State Massacre offered what the authors, a group of militants from the extra-parliamentary Left, would call a ‘counter-investigation’. 
Indeed, such a samizdat-like publication by a small unknown publishing house would capture in its title the essential truth of what decades of judicial investigation would later gradually reveal. That this was, in effect, a state-sanctioned massacre, whereby significant state actors and agencies were either complicit or, in some cases, actively involved in the campaign of terror during the late sixties and throughout the seventies. 
Pinelli was posthumously cleared of playing any part in the bombing, and on 13 March 1995, after more than 25 years and countless court cases and appeal hearings, Judge Salvini indicted 26 Italian neo-fascists and secret service officers for their role in the Piazza Fontana massacre. Several of their number were sent to prison.  It was not until 2009 that the President of the Republic Giorgio Napolitano paid tribute to "an innocent man who was twice victim, first of very heavy and unfounded suspicions, and then of a sudden and absurd end "
Dario Fo, one of Italy's best known playwrights used these events as inspiration for his political satire and  controversial play, Accidental Death of an Anarchist . In the play, which he presents as a farce, Fo sends up the police as slow and dim-witted, tricked by a fast-talking fraudster known as The Maniac, who employs a series of impersonations to confuse the officers, into contradicting themselves and revealing that there has been a cover-up involving the death of an anarchist.  
Still performed today, it is the best known of all Fo's 80-plus plays, certainly outside Italy.  It has been performed in more than 40 countries. 
Giuseppe "Pino" Pinelli   is  also  remembered by Enrico Baj's painting Funeral of the Anarchist Pinelli. It is a large scale mixed-media twelve meter long installation which encompasses an entire wall and moves out onto the floor. 
The work makes direct reference to Carlo Carrà's 1911 Futurist painting The Funeral of the Anarchist Galli, which is the earlier artist's most famous work.
The work was created for the Palazzo Reale in Milan. Therein the work was set to be displayed in the Great Hall of Caryatids of the palazzo, in the spring of 1972 but on the day of its opening, the Police Commissioner of Milan Luigi Calabresi was assassinated by members of Lotta Continua and the exhibition was delayed indefinitely.
The work was finally exhibited at the Palazzo Reale in the summer of 2012 and again at the palazzo on the occasion of the 2024 retrospective of Baj's work honoring the hundredth anniversary of his birth.  The work has been exhibited at the Museo del Novecento in Milan since February 2025.[6]  The work is also partly based on Pablo Picasso's mural Guernica.





A plaque honouring Giuseppe Pinelli placed by friends 

Tuesday, 9 December 2025

“لا تصالح” / “Do Not Reconcile” - Amal Dunqul ( 23 June 1940 – 21 May 1983)

 

Amal Abul-Qassem Dunqul  who was born in El-Qala village in Qift, an administrative division of Qena Governorate on 23 June 1940 was part of what is known as the "sixties generation" of Egyptian poets and one of the most significant (political) poets of modern Arabic literature who remains largely untranslated. Dunqul was born in Upper Egypt, and like many writers, migrated to Cairo from the countryside. 
Six poetry collections were published in his name, including Crying Between a Bird’s Hands, The Coming Era and Papers of Room No 8  which were collected in his Complete Works after he tragically died early on May 21, 1983, following a long struggle with cancer aged 42 . 
He was raised in a very religious household, his father was a scholar at Al-Azhar and because of his position in society refused to allow Donqol to play in the streets. This forced him indoors and among books.  
When his father passed away when Donqol was just 10, he ventured further into reading. He spent years memorising poetry by great poets of the old days, and started writing poetry himself. His first poem was about Palestine, refusing to write about love when the stories of people dying for Palestine were filling the news.
Jowever  he later lost his deep devotion to religion and developed Marxist sympathies, reading the works of Marx, Engels, and Lenin, but never joined a political party due to his suspicion of all political organizations.
Dunqul's   poetical  style was influenced by Greek mythology as well as pre-Islamic and Islamic imagery. He wrote Arabic poetry mostly in free verse
He was most well-known for his political poems that drew upon ancient stories whether from pre-Islamic lore, or biblical legends from the old and new testaments to speak about the contemporary reality that he lived in.
Regarded as one of one of the most powerful poems in modern Arabic literature “لا تصالح”  “Do Not Reconcile,” was written in  December 1976 in  the context of the Israeli-Arab conflict, and contains a refusal to reconcile with Israel, which earned him the moniker "Prince of Refusers" (Arabic: أمير شعراء الرفض).
The poem spread across the Arab world as a refusal of the Camp David peace treaty with Israel, signed by Egyptian President Sadat. More recently, as Arab regimes have cracked down on popular uprisings, people have come to relate to the piece in a different light, viewing it as a call to neither reconcile nor negotiate with their own tyrannical regimes.
Lines from poems written by Dunqul have been used in various artistic forms such as political street art (graffiti and murals), Arabic calligraphy designs, caricature and cartoons, and others. 

“Do Not Reconcile,” - Amal  Dunqul 

1.

Do not reconcile 
even if they give you gold 
I wonder 
if I were to gouge out your eyes 
and replace them with two gems 
would you see? 
These things are priceless.  

Childhood memories 
between you and your brother 
when you - suddenly - felt like men. 
Bashfulness suppresses your yearning 
when you embrace him 
the silence with a smile 
while your mother blames you 
as if you’re still two kids.  

Eternal comfort between the two of you 
such that two swords are your sword 
two voices are your voice 
such that if you were to die 
there is a guardian to the house 
and a father for the child.

Would my blood turn to water in your eyes?
Would you forget my clothes covered in blood? 
Would you wear - over my blood -
clothes adorned 
with silver and gold?  

This is war! 
It may wear heavy on the heart 
but behind you will be the shame of all the Arabs  

Do not reconcile. 
Do not reconcile. 
Do not try to find ways to hide.  

2

Do not reconcile over blood 
even with blood. 
Do not reconcile 
even if they say a head for a head 
Are all heads equal? 
Is a stranger’s heart equal to your brother’s?  

Are his eyes your brother’s eyes? 
Is a hand whose sword was your sword 
equal to a hand whose sword caused
you to mourn.  

They will say we came to you to stop the bloodshed
we came to you, o’ prince, to mediate. 
They will say 
‘Here we are cousins’ 
so tell them they had no such consideration 
for he who has perished.
Instill the sword into the forehead of the desert 
until the nothingness tells you 
that I was for you 
a knight 
a brother 
a father and a king.

3.

Do not reconcile 
even if they bestow leadership upon you. 
How can you step over the corpse of your father’s son?
How can you become king with such phony joy? 
How can you look at the hands of those who are 
shaking your hands, and not see blood on them?  
If it was one arrow that stabbed me in the back
for you it will be one thousand 
because blood has become a decoration and a badge.
Do not reconcile 
Do not reconcile
even if they bestow leadership upon you. 
Indeed your throne is a sword 
and your sword is a sham 
unless it witnesses moments of honor.

4,

Do not reconcile 
even if those who retreated during the fighting said, 
'We don’t have the energy to wield our swords
’ when the truth fills your heart 
you will breathe fire 
and the tongue of betrayal will be silent.  

Do not reconcile 
regardless of how much they talk about peace.
How can you look into the eyes of a woman you know you cannot protect? 
How can you become her lover? 
How can you wish for tomorrow for a sleeping newborn?
How can you dream about the future of a young boy 
while he’s growing up in your hands - with a broken heart.   

Do not reconcile 
and don’t share food with those who have killed you. 
Water your heart with blood…
and water the sacred lands…
and water your ancestors who lie there…
until their bones respond back to you!  

5. 

Do not reconcile 
even if your tribe calls upon you 
to be deceptive and show acceptance 
to those who came to you. 
Your tribe will say
 'You’re asking for vengeance 
that is quite distant. 
So take what you can right now.’  

Let us be honest 
in these few years t
his is not your vengeance 
alone its generations’ after generations’ 
and tomorrow 
there is one who will be born 
who will wear full armor 
who will kindle the fire fully 
who will bring about truth 
from ruptures in the impossible. 
Do not reconcile 
even if it is said that reconciliation is deceit.  

It is vengeance. 
The flames fade in the heart… 
as the seasons pass… 
the hand of shame will leave a mark 
(with its five fingers) 
on the humiliated foreheads.  

6. 

Do not reconcile 
even if its written in the stars 
and the astrologers break the news to you.
I would have forgiven if I died inadvertently. 
I was not a conqueror. I
never snuck close to their trading post.
I never came close to the fruit of their grapevines. 
I never came close to the fruit of their grapevines.
their verdant lands - I never came near them. 
My killer never shouted 'Watch out!’ to me…
he was walking alongside me… 
then he shook my hand.. 
then he walked ahead 
into the bushes to hide. 

Suddenly 
a shiver punctured me between two ribs 
my heart swelled then burst 
I struggled until I could prop myself 
on my forearm 
and saw my vile cousin 
rejoicing over my suffering with a cruel face. 
I did not wield a dagger or even an old weapon
nothing but a rage borne of hunger.  

7.

Do not reconcile 
until existence returns to its moving cycle
the stars to orbit 
the birds to their song 
the sands to their grain 
and the martyr to his awaiting daughter. 

Everything was destroyed in a fleeting moment:
youth, the joy of family, the sounds of horses, getting to know a guest, 
the humming of the heart upon seeing sprouts in the garden, 
the prayer for seasonal rain, 
the elusion of the heart when it sees the bird of death flying over 
deathly duels.  

Everything was destroyed upon a licentious whim 
and the one who assassinated me was not a god 
such that he could kill me with his will 
he was not more noble than I 
such that he could kill me with his knife 
he was not more clever than me
such that he could kill me through deceit.  

Do not reconcile 
for reconciliation is nothing but a treaty 
between two equals (by the honor of their hearts)
otherwise it cannot be true 
the one who assassinated me was just a thief 
who stole my land right in front of my eyes
as the silence was sarcastically laughing!

8. 

Do not reconcile 
even if all the sheiks stand against your sword 
along with the men with no integrity
and those whose turbans dangle over their eyes and their Arabic swords have forgotten the years of glory.  

Do not reconcile 
for there should be nothing but what you want 
you are the only knight of this time and the rest are 'Musookh’.*  
Do not reconcile. 
Do not reconcile.

9.

Do not reconcile 
Even if all the sheikhs stand against your sword 
Along with the men with no integrity 
Those whose turbans dangle over their eyes 
And their Arabic swords have forgotten the years of glory. 
Do not reconcile
For there should be nothing but for you to want 
You are the only knight of this time 
And the rest are all monstrosities 

10. 

Do not reconcile. 
Do not reconcile.

* For blood to turn to water: An Arabic saying referring to the impossibility of blood transforming into water, and the bonds of blood, family, and brotherhood being lost.  

** Musookh (sing. Maskh): Creatures that are partially human, and part monster. Originally a term to describe creatures such as Dracula and Frankenstein, 

Maskh is used as a derogatory term to describe people - rulers, "Uncle Toms,” etc. - who betray their own people and humanistic values in order to attain fame, fortune, notoriety, etc. 


Do not reconcile.. Even if they say a head for a head. Are all heads equal?"  - Graffiti in the West Bank, Palestine

Saturday, 6 December 2025

Refaat Alareer( 23 September 1979 – 6 December 2023) - “If I must die"


On this day two years ago, Refaat Alareer, a beloved Palestinian English poet and professor and  powerful voice from Gaza, was killed in a devastating Israeli airstrike  in in northern Gaza that destroyed his family home. He was just forty-four years old, but had already established a worldwide reputation.
The tragic attack also claimed the lives of his brother Salah, Salah’s son, his sister Asmaa, and Asmaa’s three children. An entire family wiped out in seconds.  Soon after his daughter was pregnant with a daughter.  They both were also murdered by the Israelis. In Israel's ongoing genocidal siege of Gaza of 2023.
Refaat Alareer spent his life trying to show the world the humanity of his people, and for that he was smeared, mocked, and dehumanized by people with massive platforms who should’ve known better. He deserved to grow old. He deserved a classroom, not rubble. 
He   had survived wars, siege, hunger, but he could not survive a missile backed by a smear campaign pushed by  Bari Weiss who spent weeks painting him as a villain instead of a writer begging the world to pay attention. 
In October 2023, Refaat Alareer warned that former New York Times journalist Bari Weiss had put his life in danger. Weiss tweeted that he “joked about Israeli babies burned alive” - a claim rooted in unverified atrocity propaganda that Israeli officials themselves later walked back. That smear campaign helped strip away his safety, his dignity, and the public’s ability to see him as a human being worth protecting. 
Refaat tweeted:  “If I get killed by Israeli bombs or my family is harmed, I blame Bari Weiss and her likes.”  Weeks later, he was targeted and killed in an Israeli airstrike in Gaza as the IDF escalated its attacks against Palestinian scholars and academics.
Refaat wrote extensively about a range of topics: teaching Shakespeare and the way Shylock could be appreciated by young Palestinian students; the horrors of living under repeated brutal assaults in Gaza.
According to an interview published in Global Rights International Magazine in June 2018 and reprinted in the Kurdish newspaper ANF NEWS on October 19, 2018, Alareer began to write in English in 2008 during Israel’s offensive on Gaza. He seems to have felt obliged, to use his words, “to write back in English to reach out to the world to educate people about Palestine and save them from the dominant Israeli multi-million-dollar campaigns of misinformation.”  Alareer repeatedly considered and promoted the use of English as a primary tool of expression not only for his creative works, but as an effective means to reach directly (not through translation) a worldwide audience. He stated in the interview:  
“… as much as I believe [in], and love, translation, I also believe that we need to train ourselves to express our concerns in the target language, here English…. Palestinians who are able to speak for themselves in other languages should do that directly.”  
Alareer also made other references, in this interview, to his poems, his experience writing poetry, and the hope that he would be able to publish some of his creative works, saying:  
I am hoping I will invest more time and efforts into writing fiction and poetry. I have few unfinished texts that I am hoping to bring out to the world.”  
Unfortunately, Alareer had no chance in his lifetime to see any of his poems published in a collection. It is only after his death that a posthumous collection of his poems was published.
Just five weeks prior to his killing, he shared his poem titled "If I must die", and pinned it to his Twitter profile. “If I Must Die” stands out as only one of the early poems that Refaat Alareer chose to write in English (not in Arabic, his native language).
His poem, was widely circulated after his killing and was translated into more than 250 languages  and is read and recited all around the world. It’s his Legacy for those who never knew him. And to all those who knew Dr. Refaat Alareer, his Legacy is love.
Two years since his airstrike, Dr. Refaat’s words still echo in every street of Gaza. Israelis may have taken his life, along with that of many in his family. But they will never destroy his standing as a dignified, eloquent, beautiful voice of Palestinian resistance.
Share his poems.  https://poets.org/poem/and-we-live  Keep his memory alive. May his words outlive every attempt to silence them. His words stand witness to the love he held for his land and to the Israeli atrocities.
 
If I must die -  Refaat Alareer  

If I must die, 
you must live  
to tell my story
to sell my things
to buy a piece of cloth
and some strings, 
(make it white with a long tail)
so that a child, somewhere in Gaza
while looking heaven in the eye 
awaiting his dad who left in a blaze— 
and bid no one farewell
not even to his flesh
not even to himself— 
sees the kite, my kite you made, flying up above 
and thinks for a moment an angel is there  
bringing back love 
If I must die 
let it bring hope
let it be  a tale

From If I Must Die: Poetry and Prose by Refaat Alareer (OR Books, 2024), compiled by Yousef M. Aljamal. 
Copyright © 2024 by Refaat Alareer. 

 Brian Cox reads If I Must Die the last poem by Refaat Alareer,


Friday, 5 December 2025

Happy Krampusnacht

 

Krampusnacht  traditionally takes place on December 5th, the night before the feast of Saint Nicholas. in various European countries. During this night, people dress up as Krampus and roam the streets, participating in parades and festivities that celebrate the dual nature of the holiday season.
In many parts of the world, Christmas is synonymous with the joyous arrival of Santa Claus, who rewards well-behaved children with gifts. However, nestled in the folklore of Central European countries like Austria, Germany, Slovenia, and Hungary, there exists a contrasting character—Krampus—a menacing horned creature associated with the darker side of the holiday season. 
Krampus is believed to have emerged from pre-Christian Alpine traditions and pagan folklore. His appearance varies but commonly includes characteristics such as fur-covered bodies, horns, cloven hooves, and long, pointed tongues. Some scholars have pointed to the similarities between Krampus and ancient Pagan fertility gods like Pan, Cernunnos and Faunus. 
The name "Krampus" is derived from the Old High German word "Krampen," meaning claw, reflecting the creature's beastly appearance. His primary role is to punish naughty children, contrasting with St. Nicholas, who rewards the well-behaved with gifts.  
The name alone feels like it’s crawling out of some dark, forgotten cavern of history. And in a way, it is. The roots of Krampus, or Tuifl and Perchten, as the folkloric beasts are also known, twist back centuries to pre-Christian Europe — particularly the wild, snow-pummeled Alps of Austria, Germany, Italy and Switzerland.  
Back then, the winter solstice wasn’t just another tick on the calendar. No, to ancient mountain folk, it was when the line between the living and the dead got dangerously thin. The kind of time when long nights brought things far worse than bitter temps. 
So, what did they do? They fought back the only way they knew how.  These hardy souls engaged in rituals to ward off the evil. They lit massive bonfires, hoping to burn away whatever was lurking in the shadows. They wore grotesque masks — trying to look scarier than the creatures hunting them. And they made offerings to bribe the darkness itself, praying it would pass over their village and instead unleash havoc on those smug Joneses just beyond the yonder. 
The concept of Krampus remained relatively confined to Alpine regions for centuries, with communities passing down the tradition through oral storytelling and local celebrations. Fast forward hundreds of years, as Christianity swept across Europe, the Catholic Church folded many pagan traditions into its own playbook. Instead of erasing ancient customs, they adapted them. 
Krampus, once the savage, horned figure of pagan folklore, was stitched into the Christmas narrative, becoming the Christmas Devil — St. Nicholas’s dark counterpart. 
In  recent years, the globalization of culture and the internet have played pivotal roles in introducing Krampus to a broader audience. Social media, in particular, has been a catalyst for the spread of Krampus-related content, with enthusiasts sharing images, stories, and experiences, helping to elevate Krampus from a regional curiosity to a global phenomenon.  
The influence of Krampus on  popular culture can be traced back to the early 2000s when interest in the darker side of holiday traditions began to rise. Books, movies, and television shows began incorporating Krampus into their narratives, adding a macabre touch to the festive season. Particularly with the 2015 horror film, Krampus, starring Adam Scott and Toni Collette. 
Krampus also inspired a 2016 episode of Steve Pemberton and Reece Shearsmith’s series Inside No. 9, called The Devil of Christmas. The character has also featured in episodes of Scooby-Doo (2012) and American Dad! (2013).  In 2017, National Geographic published an article entitled How Krampus, the Christmas ‘Devil,’ Became Cool. This detailed how art director Monte Beauchamp introduced Krampus to modern audiences with his magazine, Blab, and two books of Krampus postcards in 2004 and 2010. National Geographic also reported that people in Austria have been selling Krampus souvenirs, such as figurines and chocolate.
This resurgence is partly attributed to the fascination with folklore, as well as the desire to embrace unique cultural traditions. The allure of Krampus lies in its ability to provide a rare peek into European's deep-rooted folklore and an  alternative to the  saccharine sweetness often associated Christmas.
According to myth, Krampus is part of a rogue gallery of supernatural entities, like vampires and werewolves, conquered by St. Nicholas and forced into his service. 
On Krampusnacht,  he sets them loose. While St. Nick sneaks into homes to dole out presents to the good kids, the Krampus storm in. And guess what? They are not there for the eggnog. These unruly brutes wind up delivering swift smacks to any naughty children. But that’s just the warm-up. The truly rotten of the bunch? They get tossed into a basket and hauled off to face a fate far worse than a lump of coal.
Over the centuries, Krampusnacht evolved from a rural tradition into a widespread event, particularly in Austria and other parts of Europe. The first written records of Krampus processions date back to the 19th century, and by the early 20th century, the parade had become an Austrian institution. 
It was suppressed for years, being forbidden at times by the Catholic Church,  due to its pagan roots  In the 1930s, the Krampus tradition was  also explicitly prohibited by the clerical fascist Dollfuss regime in Austria, which feared it might harm children's mental health. However despite attempts to suppress the festival , Krampusnacht experienced a revival in the latter half of the 20th century and has since regained its popularity.  
Today, towns and villages across alpine regions like the Dolomites, as well as other parts of Europe including Hungary and the Czech Republic, come alive with annual Krampus Runs on Krampus Night. It’s an evening where locals revel in the thrill of becoming the very monsters they once feared. And throngs of snot-nosed kids, once petrified by tales of being stuffed into Krampus’ sack, now line the streets wide-eyed — caught between awe and terror.
Krampus Night is marked by various customs and rituals that have been passed down through generations. The highlight of Krampusnacht is undoubtedly the Krampus parade, where participants don elaborate costumes and masks to transform into the fearsome Krampus. These parades are a sensory feast, featuring hundreds of Krampuses wielding sticks or chains, symbols of punishment for naughty children. The atmosphere is electric, with the sound of bells and the sight of flickering torches creating an eerie yet exhilarating experience. 


During these parades, Krampus frightens onlookers and misbehaving children by rattling chains and brandishing switches. It's believed that the fear instilled by Krampus serves as a warning to children to behave throughout the year. The  bell-ringing are believed to ward off evil spirits.  
Despite the ominous presence of Krampus, the evening often includes elements of celebration. Some regions have adapted the tradition to incorporate gift-giving and feasting, combining the darker aspects with the joyous spirit of the holiday season.  
In recent years, some towns have organized Krampuslauf contests where participants showcase their most intricate and terrifying costumes, fostering a sense of community and competition. The energy is electric, equal parts scary, theatrical, but unbelievably thrilling.
Incidentally  before he became the jolly figure in red,  Father Christmas was a spirit of midwinter feasting, a tall, green-robed wanderer who encouraged generosity, good cheer, and a full table for all. 


Alternatively on  the eve of St Nicholas’s feast day, an old French tradition tells of Père Noël travelling from house to house on a gentle donkey named Gui. Laden with baskets of sweets and toys, Gui brings good fortune too, for his name means “mistletoe,” the ancient charm of luck.

The Christmas holiday has always been a strange and uneasy balance between novelty and tradition. For some, Krampus represents a return to the days of “wild men”, to the deep ties between man and nature that were lost as monotheisitic religion came to dominate the continent. The goat man who terrorises children is seen as a figure by which to bridge that gap between nature and man. 
Krampus is Christmas in microcosm -  now  heavily commercialised and marketed towards particular demographics, on the altar of profit. He is the “bah humbug” of days gone by - and just like “bah humbug” you can be sure that Krampus too will be commodified and co-opted to the same extent.  Krampus is but one example of this. Look around you, everywhere, everything is being stripped of meaning so as to maximise profit.
Nevertheless Krampus  and Krampusnacht is a great example of how Pagan folklore can break-through Christian oppression and continue to thrive in our modern day world. 
And at  end of the day,  there’s room for everyone to enjoy Krampusnacht, it isn't just about scaring kids into being good it's about acknowledging the balance of forces. As much as we embrace light, warmth, and love during the holidays, there is also darkness.
Krampus is a reminder of that, and of the natural cycles that our ancestors honored. He brings a certain element of chaos to the otherwise orderly world of Christmas, making sure that the festival of light doesn’t forget the shadows. 
In a time when we're trying to manage the demands of modern life between family drama, work stress, and the over-saturation of holiday cheer—Krampusnacht offers a deliciously eerie counterpoint. It’s a time to embrace the strange, the mysterious, and the wild, before the calm of the final days of the year. And if you love the old stories then nothing seems able to keep the goat demon down. Merry happy Krampus