Thursday, 6 November 2025

Remembering Marie-Madeleine Riffaud French poet, journalist and revolutionary (23 August 1924 – 6 November 2024)


Marie-Medeleine Riffaud  the renowned French resistance fighter, war reporter and poet was born in Arvillers in the Somme region of France on 23 August 1924.. 
Her parents were Jean-Emile Riffaud and Armande (Gabrielle) Boisson. They were both primary school teachers from Limousin, who moved to Picardy for work.  
Her father had been wounded in the First World War and had become a pacifist. She grew up in an area still devastated from the carnage caused by the First World War and was educated at a school in Paris where she developed a love of literature, and in particular, poetry. 
Madeleine’s mother, Armande Boissin, was an orphan whose mother had died of tuberculosis and whose education was paid for by her maternal grandfather. 
Madeleine’s father, Émile Riffaud, was the first boy in his family to receive a formal education, and the only boy at his school who didn’t own a ‘proper’ pair of shoes. Instead, he wore wooden clogs, the footwear of the poor who could not afford leather.
Like his future wife, he went on to win prizes and became a teacher who was recognised in the local community for his contribution to education. As well as teaching at the local village school of Folies, Émile was made headmaster of the school in Bouchoir, about one and a half kilometres away from Folies, and an officer of the Academy in 1937. He continued working in the education system right up until his death in September 1984. 
Madeleine’s  parents saw themselves as republicans and were proud of a heritage that linked their country’s constitution with the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen. Republicanism, however, includes many shades of political and philosophical distinction, and in their case, one of the most obvious differences between their worldviews had to do with religion. Where Madeleine’s father was agnostic and freethinking, her mother respected the authority of the Catholic Church. So although she taught in a secular education system, as did her husband, Armande ensured that her only daughter, Madeleine, received a Catholic upbringing through regular attendance at mass. 
In this respect, the maternal and paternal branches of the family tree connect Madeleine’s  to two different strains of republicanism that have shaped French society, where laïcité, or secularism, is still a passionately debated feature of the country’s education system and its constitution. Because of this, perhaps, Madeleine’s  never felt it necessary to choose exclusively between leftwing, secular republicanism and the Catholic faith. As an adult, she embraced both seeing the social ideals of communism (she joined the Party in 1942) and Christianity as perfectly compatible.
Madeleine loved her paternal grandfather, Jean, dearly   he  was a  retired gendarme. and   she has  described the times she spent in his company when she was growing up (he lived with them when he was elderly) as the happiest moments in her childhood. He taught her songs from France’s left-wing past, took her on rambling walks through the forest and impressed on her the importance of loving all things that grow in gardens. ‘I have never in my life intentionally damaged a plant … My gardener Grandfather forbad it, and taught me respect for flowers' 
Madeleine’s mother was born Armande Boissin in 1894 in Djerba, Tunisia, 13 years after the French had conquered the country and placed it under the authority of the French Resident-General.12 By virtue of her birthplace, she was associated with a colonial system that her daughter would one day vilify. 
Madeleine who detested authority in almost any form, however  had a strained relationship with her mother during her teenage years, for the usual kinds of reasons. Armande wanted her to be ‘normal’  – that is, to marry and have children – while Madeleine’ wanted to chase after adventure and fantasised about running away from home. ‘When I was growing up’, sheinsisted in an interview, ‘my mother was very “bourgeoise”’ – the classic insult French. 
Armande certainly wanted her daughter to have ‘nice’ friends. She disapproved both of the ill-educated children in the village when Madeleine was growing up and, in later years, of some of Madeleine’s friends in the Resistance. She could not admire people who seemed to be incorrigible risktakers without propriety or concern for their futures. However, thanks to her mother’s diligence and pride in her achievements, Riffaud was able to include some of her poems from her school days in her first anthology of poetry,
Her mother had kept them all. Looking back, Madeleine  regretted her intolerance of her mother’s views and needs. Some of this regret and affection found expression years later, when her mother developed cancer of the throat and Madeleine spent long hours at her bedside.
Sadly, the tumour affected Armande’s brain and in her final months she couldn’t recognise either her daughter or her husband. She died on 13 December 1970. 
Madeleine was at home when the Nazis invaded France. The family were part of ‘L’exode’, the mass column of refugees that left Picardy to head south, hoping to escape from the invaders. On their journey, the column was attacked by Stukas from the Luftwaffe. Madeleine decided to return to the family home with her sick and infirm grandfather. The most terrible moment in Madeleine’s young life, by the same token, was when   her  beloved grandfather  subsequently died.
Upon arriving in Amiens, Madeleine went to the Red Cross headquarters to get her grandfather a stretcher. Crossing a square, she was molested by a group of German soldiers. Seeing what was happening, their commanding officer intervened.  
To her shock, the officer turned round and kicked her in the backside, sending Madeleine flying face down into the gutter. Humiliated by the laughter of the Germans, it was at this moment  at the  age  of 18 that she decided to join the French Resistance movement as part of the communist group Francs-Tireur et Partisans, 
Madeleine always claimed that activism ran in her blood. Her great, great grandfather had taken part in the popular uprising of 1851, protesting at the coup d’état of Louis Napoleon. For this, he had been sentenced to hard labour in Algeria.  
Before Madeleine could take any action herself, she contracted tuberculosis. She was sent to a sanitorium for young students, just outside Grenoble. She had not realised it was a hub for the French Resistance. She was approached by Marcel Gagliordi – but it took very little persuasion to get her to join them.  
Madeleine took the nom de guerre ‘Rainer’, after her favourite poet, the  German poet Rainer Maria Rilke. This was also her way of showing she was not at war with the German people or German ideas, but the Nazis, France Info Rainer Maria Rilke. Returning to Paris, Madeleine became extremely active in the Maquis (resistance). She was told that anyone fighting the Nazis in the city, had a life expectancy of just five months
Madeleine quickly built up a reputation for volunteering for the most dangerous missions. She was the expert at stealing guns from policemen and Nazi soldiers.  
Hundreds of young women like me were involved. We were the messengers, the intelligence gatherers, the repairers of the web. When the men fell or were captured, we got the news through, pulled the nets tight again. We carried documents, leaflets, sometimes arms. We walked miles; bikes were too precious, and the Metro was too dangerous.” At the same time  as this  Madeleine worked in a local hospital, training to be a midwife. 
On  June 10, 1944, the Nazis committed the appalling massacre at Oradour-Sur Glane, where 643 civilians were murdered. France was outraged. After the massacre Riffaud took a pivotal action that would define her legacy. She witnessed  an incident in Paris that horrified her. A fellow Resistance member stole a gun from a German soldier. Thinking he was about to be shot, the German fell to his knees, crying and begging for his life. The Resistance fighter let him go.  
One week later, the same German soldier saw the Resistance member in the street. He walked right up to him – and shot him dead.  Madeleine was so enraged, she decided to take matters into her own hands. On July 23,  1944 she saw a Nazi officer standing on the Pont de Solferino in Paris, gazing into the river. There was a small boy loitering nearby, so she ushered the child away.   
Then, she went up to the German officer and tapped him on the shoulder. When he turned around, Madeleine shot him twice in the head, killing him outright. She said it would have been cowardly to shoot him in the back – she had to do it face-to-face. “I had a job – and I was going to do it.”  Madeleine nearly managed to escape on her bicycle, but a passing collaborator drove his car at the bike, knocking her to the ground. She was handcuffed and delivered to the Gestapo.  
In later years, Madeleine was asked if she had any remorse about the murder. She said not. “It was right. I felt very calm, very pure.”  She added, “He dropped like a stone. He didn’t suffer. It wasn’t done with hate – if anything, I was pained about having to do it.”  
Madeleine was initially lucky. As it was Sunday, all the Gestapo torturers were on weekend leave. Instead, but she was beaten up by a couple of local policemen and then driven to prison. 
Whilst in there, she helped deliver a baby to a Jewish woman. The prison guard was so infuriated by  this act  that he punched Madeleine. She was immediately driven back to Gestapo headquarters on the Rue des Saussaies.   
The Gestapo repeatedly tortured Madeleine but could not break her silence. She had her jaw and nose broken, was waterboarded, and was subject to repeated electric shocks (because they left no marks).  They also broke the arms and legs of a fourteen-year-old accomplice, right in front of her, telling Madeleine only she could stop his suffering. Finally, the Gestapo executed another man standing next to her.  
Throughout all of this, she refused to give them any information about the resistance network.  During her ordeal, Madeleine told herself, “I am not a victim. I am a resistante.”  
Eventually, after a month of interrogation, they told her that she would be executed.  She was sent to Ravensbruck concentration camp by train but managed to escape. However, Madeleine was quickly recaptured.
Madeleine was then transferred to Fresnes Prison. At this point, another female captive gave her a picture of St Therese of Lisieux. She kept it close to her. Although not religious, Madeleine later wondered whether the saint had protected her.  Madeleine also began to write her own poems.  
On the day of her execution, Madeleine was taken outside with other prisoners. They were all killed but she was not. She was taken back to her cell.  Then, she was unexpectedly released. Madeleine didn’t realise the Red Cross had been working to save her life. 
A prisoner exchange had been negotiated by Swedish consul, Raoul Nordling – and she was set free.    Upon her release, she learned the Gestapo had just executed 23 members of a Resistance group nicknamed the Manouchians. Every one of them was her friend. Her anger was fuelled.  
And upon her release, Riffaud returned immediately to the Resistance. On August 23, 1944—her 20th birthday—she led an assault on a German armored train in the Buttes-Chaumont tunnel, capturing over 80 enemy soldiers. Madeleine worked with just three fellow resistance fighters, under her command. They stopped the train by letting off fireworks, making the Germans think they were under attack from a bigger force. They needed to uncouple the train from the engine, but unfortunately didn’t have the know how.   
Before the attack, Madeleine heard that a retired railway man lived nearby. She visited him to ask for his help. He was washing the dishes with his wife. Madeleine explained to him that uncoupling the train was very dangerous and he was putting his life at risk. 
When the train stopped, the elderly gentleman crawled up the track, uncoupled the carriages – and then just walked off home.  After capturing the prisoners, Madeleine realised it was her twentieth birthday. With her men, they celebrated by eating ham, jam and German sausage ‘liberated’ from the train.  
 Her bravery in this mission earned her the rank of lieutenant in the French Forces of the Interior, the youngest person to achieve this rank during the war. 
During the Liberation of Paris, Madeleine fought the enemy in the Place de la Republique. She was part of a group attacking an SS barracks based there. An American soldier took a photo of her sitting on a tank as it drove through the streets nearby, with her black hair flowing behind her. It was published in the American papers with the title ‘The Girl Who Saved Paris’. 
Consequently, Madeleine was seen as a symbol of French heroism. (It was an image shown again in a documentary about the liberation of the city, directed by Pierre Hurel).  
Madeleine remembered the city’s liberation fondly. She said everyone got involved, whether they were children or the elderly. “You can’t know how wonderful it was to finally battle in the daylight.
However, 1500 Parisians died in the attempt to free their city. Madeleine continued fighting until the Nazis had been forced out of France. She wanted to fight on until Berlin but was unable to do so. France was still a very patriarchal society (women still did not have the vote)  and  she  was underage. 
To fight abroad, she had to get her father’s permission – and he refused. “I did not have permission to do that, I was told. That was a shock.”  “I was a minor. I didn’t have my parents’ consent. I was a girl!”  Her father’s reaction was understandable. Her parents had listened to BBC radio broadcasts throughout the war and on one occasion had heard the wireless announce that Madeleine had been killed.  
They were stunned and delighted to get her back – they were not going to run the risk of losing her again.  At the same time, her tuberculosis recurred. The Maquis told Madeleine they could no longer have her in their ranks for fear of spreading the disease. 
Her father made Madeleine put her gun in a drawer and ordered her never to touch it again. After the war, Madeleine suffered from depression for a while. She tried to join the French Army but was told she was too young, still being under twenty-one.  
She tried to kill herself by taking an overdose, but when this did not work, she vowed never to speak about her wartime experiences. “I was alive but destroyed. I wanted to die. If anyone even touched me, I couldn’t bear it.”  Nevertheless, she was awarded the Croix de Guerre, presented by President De Gaulle.   
She made a telling statement about the partisans’ role in combating an occupation force that applies to today’s fights for liberation: “The essential was not to give in. When you resisted, you were already a victor. You had already won.” (New York Times, Nov. 23)
Madeleine was subsequently befriended by surrealist poet Paul Eluard, who introduced her to a group of artists based in Paris that included Louis Aragon and Pablo Picasso.   
Madeleine later said that she felt Eluard, “Had saved my life.”   “They stopped me from doing myself in, because a lot of Resistance fighters killed themselves after the war.”  
Madeleine was persuaded to publish her first poetry collection entitled, ‘Le Poing Ferme’ (The Closed Fist). Picasso drew the front cover for the collection. She always believed he was a little bit in love with her.   
Years later, an art critic analysed the portrait. “He saw a woman who was still a girl and yet who did not laugh or sparkle like a girl, for she was living with the shadow of what she had so recently experienced in the cells of the Gestapo. Picasso drew the heavy eyelids of a woman who couldn’t forget.”   



Picasso drawing of Madeleine, 1945

She also started working as a journalist for the newspaper ‘Ce Soir’, run by Aragon. At this time, Madeleine married Pierre Daix, a young communist who had been imprisoned in Mauthausen concentration camp during the war.   
The marriage did not last long. “We were both broken.” However, they did have a daughter named Fabienne. Her baby was taken away from her after just twelve days, for fear of it getting TB.  However, Fabienne contracted Madeleine’s tuberculosis and died whilst still very young.  
In Paris, Madeleine met Ho Chi Minh, president of the Provisional Government of Vietnam. She was absolutely inspired by him.  
In 1951, Madeleine met Vietnamese poet Nguyen Dinh Thi at an international youth conference for peace held in Berlin. They fell in love – but he was married with two children.  Soon afterwards, his wife died, so Madeleine moved to Vietnam to live with him. They were married.   
Vietnam was just tumbling into civil war (often called the War of Independence). By now, Madeleine was working for the communist newspaper ‘L’Humanite’ – despite claiming to have never read either Marx or Engels. She became their war correspondent.  
Madeleine managed to link up with the Viet Minh, who were the country’s independence fighters. She produced a documentary film entitled ‘Dans le Maquis du Sud-Vietnam.’ She said, “A people who oppress another can never be a free people.”  
After four years, Ho Chi Minh, passed a law which banned mixed marriages.  Madeliene was thrown out of Vietnam and returned to France, although she maintained a long-distance relationship with Nguyen Dinh Thi for over fifty years. Years later, she wrote a poem about him. ‘I hold your shadow in my arms.’   
When the Algerian War broke out, Madeleine was sent to cover the conflict by her newspaper.  The Algerian War of Independence (1954-62) was one of the bloodiest post-1945 liberation struggles. Characterised by civilian massacres and the widespread use of torture, it led to the death and displacement of two million people. It was also the first major conflict since the Spanish Civil War to mobilize a generation of writers and artists to protest against the conduct of the war, most notably in Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth and Gillo Pontecorvo’s The Battle of Algiers. 
In 1960 many of France’s leading writers and intellectuals – including Simon de Beauvoir, Jean-Paul Sartre, André Breton, Pierre Boulez, François Truffaut and Marguerite Duras – signed Le Manifeste des 121, calling on the French government to renounce the use of torture in Algeria. 
Madeleine was appalled at witnessing French paratroopers treating Algerian civilians with immense cruelty. Even worse, she learned captured fighters were being taken to Paris, where they were being tortured in the very same rooms that she had suffered so much at the hands of the Gestapo. She stated how could this be being done in the name of the country she had fought for and loved so much? 
Whilst in Algeria, the car in which Madeleine was travelling, was ambushed when a truck was driven into it. She instinctively put up her right arm to save herself.  Madeleine received serious injuries. Her hands were badly damaged, and she lost a finger. She had a head injury and lost the sight in one eye – and the vision in the other was seriously impaired.  
She had one last major newspaper assignment. Madeleine returned to Vietnam to follow the war with the Americans. She joined up with the Viet Cong and reported from the frontline – giving her newspaper an unusual perspective on the conflict.   
It was reported at the time that the Americans were bombing hospitals and schools. The US Secretary of Defense, Robert McNamara, denied this. Madeleine took hundreds of photographs, providing evidence that proved this destruction was happening. She wrote that the French in Algeria, and the Americans in Vietnam, were behaving in the same way that the Germans had done in France.  
Madeleine was exposed to Agent Orange/Dioxin during the Vietnam  War  after  she walked through southern Vietnamese fields on which the US military sprayed the poisonous chemical. She said that at the time, she, as well as Vietnamese people and soldiers, did not know that the defoliant was capable of causing so much pain and anguish.
Her two books - Dans les acquis de Vietcong (In the Vietcong Underground), published in 1965, and Au Nord du Vietnam, écrit sous les bombes (In North Việt Nam: Written Under the Bombs), 1967, made a significant impact  on  the  world. 
The first earned the 1966 award from the International Organisation of Journalists.  Not only did she support and stand by the Vietnamese people during their past struggle for national liberation, but she also remained unwavering in her commitment to them in national construction.
However, Madeleine’s health was restricting her capabilities. She returned to Paris and gave up journalism, and  became a nursing assistant in a hospital and became an active campaigner for improving the pay and working conditions of carers in the city of Paris writing  a bestselling expose of the drudgery of care assistants in Parisian hospitals .called, ‘Les Linges de la Nuit’, which sold a million copies. 
Fifty years later, she reiterated the same criticisms. After spending twenty-four hours alone on a stretcher in the emergency room, she addressed an open letter to the director of the AP-HP (Paris Public Hospitals) in 2022.  “They thought I was too old to be worth treating? […] Raymond Aubrac asked me to be a voice of the Resistance – so I will be. I still have some strength left, I want to give it away.” 
The ordeals she endured in 1944 and her repeated brushes with death over the years profoundly affected her. To cope with this pain, she underwent various treatments in the postwar years, and then, much later, psychoanalysis, which had a partly didactic dimension. 
In 1994, a museum curator found the poems Madeleine had written whilst in prison. He persuaded her to write a memoir so that the poetry could be put into context. This meant breaking her silence of fifty years. The book was called ‘On l’appelait Rainer’.   
Madeleine would continue to  be be  actively engaged in the activities of the France-Việt Nam Friendship Association,  and supported Vietnamese Agent Orange/dioxin victims, assisted marginalised communities in remote areas of Việt Nam, and encouraged the Vietnamese people in their development and global integration.  
Consequently the Vietnamese State and Government awarded her the first-class Order of Resistance in 1984.This was followed by her being made Chevalier de la Legion d’honneur in 2001 (this was upgraded further in 2013, when she received the ‘Ordre National du Marite’).  
Nguyen Dinh Thi died in 2003.  Madeleine lived alone in her central Paris flat, where she gradually lost her eyesight. It was a fifth-floor apartment with no lift, so she was unable to go outside. She kept exotic birds because she loved to hear them sing. She was also  a chain smoker who loved an occasional gin.  Madeleine admitted she had not  had  a very happy later life – full of agony and suffering. A friend had said of her, “Madeleine wants to take on the suffering of all the crises of the world.”   
In old age  in one of her final interviews, Madeleine was once again asked about the assassination. “Killing someone is a terrible thing to do. It is never good to kill anyone, even an enemy. You should know that.”  She also said, “There is a spirit of resistance. You have it or you don’t. I had it throughout my life.”  
On her one hundredth birthday in August 2024, Madeleine was visited by the Vietnamese Ambassador to France. Madeleine died in her flat, three months later  on  6 November, 2024 after a century of resilience and resistance. 
The large turnout at her funeral reflected the deep affection and support for her courage, resilience, and passionate involvement in supporting the struggles for justice by the Vietnamese people and other oppressed peoples around the world. 
The book 'Resistance Heroism and the End of Empire' by Keren Chiaroni explores the life of Madeleine Riffaud, and her contributions to historical narratives of rebellion in France. It examines significant events in French history through Riffaud's experiences and reflects on the choices individuals face when their beliefs conflict with state authority. The work aims to engage with contemporary discussions on national identity and the role of individual action in a global context.
Long live the memory of Madeleine Riffaud,  a true internationalist and  inspiring  woman.



Wednesday, 5 November 2025

Life is about cycles

 


Life is about cycles—highs and lows, ebbs and flows. Some challenging, some peaceful, some are overwhelming. But to feel the pull and not understand the why but willingly submitting to explore and release can give us strength. 
Everyone it   seems  is  currently  at the moment  going through a cycle of being tired, scared, sad or angry. It  would  be  so  good that maybe things change,  we find  balance  and healing. Remember  life  can  be beautiful,  it is the  system that is ugly.
There is  currently  pure injustice all over the world from Congo to Sudan and down to Palestine people who  are living a broken life, and those who claim to be elites are the cause of it all.
Remember  there is nothing natural or inevitable about extreme inequality; it’s the result of an economic system that values wealth and power over human dignity and justice,  inequality isn't inevitable. It can be eradicated, 
Anyway this evenings  full moon is going to be the closest, biggest, and brightest of 2025. Known as the Beaver Moon, this full moon gets its name from traditional North American sources, marking the season when beavers prepare for winter and trappers set their last lines before the freeze. It’s long been a symbol of seasonal change and survival. 
Every full moon comes with different emotions, heaviness, lightness and this evenings will  be no exception. Be careful though if venturing out as the tide is very high  tonight,  be mindful  and  hopefully  enjoy the beauty of this bright autumn moon.  

Sean Taylor - Britain’s Got Talent

 

 Sean Taylor  is  a seasoned and  prolific singer-songwriter and guitarist from  Kilburn  in  North London  who has rapidly grown to be one of the hottest  names in the UK blues/acoustic scene. His incredible passion for performance, sheer talent and song writing of the highest calibre is a testament to his frequent comparisons with John Martyn  and Tom Waits  among  others. 
Sean Taylor is  regarded  as the ultimate road warrior whose inspirational,  music for the past 25 years has been inseparable from his life as a political activist, peace and justice campaigner. His songs are chock full of social commentary  and  brimming  with passion.,  Am  a  huge admirer  of  his  work. 
Here's  his wonderful  new  single  released  today  - 'Britain's Got Talent' with a film by Jason Read.  The song and the video speak for themselves. What say you?   

Tuesday, 28 October 2025

Before October 7th and beyond .


Art Kivara Ammar

Before October 7th 

1.⁠ ⁠Haifa Massacre 1937 
2.⁠ ⁠Jerusalem Massacre 1937 
3.⁠ ⁠Haifa Massacre 1938 
4.⁠ ⁠Balad al-Sheikh Massacre 1939 
5.⁠ ⁠Haifa Massacre 1939 
6.⁠ ⁠Haifa Massacre 1947 
7.⁠ ⁠Abbasiya Massacre 1947 
8.⁠ ⁠Al-Khisas Massacre 1947 
9.⁠ ⁠Bab al-Amud Massacre 1947 
10.⁠ ⁠Jerusalem Massacre 1947 
11.⁠ ⁠Sheikh Bureik Massacre 1947 
12.⁠ ⁠Jaffa Massacre 1948 
13.⁠ ⁠Deir Yassin Massacre 1948 
14.⁠ ⁠Tantura Massacre 1948 
15.⁠ ⁠Qibya Massacre 1953 
16.⁠ ⁠Khan Yunis Massacre 1956 
17.⁠ ⁠Jerusalem Massacre 1967 
18.⁠ ⁠Sabra and Shatila Massacre 1982 
19.⁠ ⁠Al-Aqsa Massacre 1990 
20.⁠ ⁠Ibrahimi Mosque Massacre 1994 
21.⁠ ⁠Jenin Refugee Camp April 2002 
22.⁠ ⁠Israel’s Operation Cast Lead 2008
23.⁠ ⁠ Israel’s Operation Pillar of Defense 2012
24.⁠ ⁠ Israel’s Operation Protective Edge  2014 
25.⁠ ⁠Gaza Massacre 2018-19 during the Great March of Return
26.⁠ ⁠Israel’s Operation Guardian of Walls, 2021 
27.⁠ ⁠Gaza Genocide 2023 is still ongoing. 

Let’s kill the myth that October 7th was the start. It wasn’t. Israel’s violence didn’t appear overnight,  It began in 1948, and even before, when armed Zionist militias invaded Palestinian villages, burned homes, expelled families, and slaughtered men, women, and children to make way for their Jewish state. The world calls it the birth of Israel. Palestinians call it the Nakba, the catastrophe. 
The Nakba, meaning "catastrophe" in Arabic, refers to the displacement of approximately 700,000 Palestinians during the 1948 Arab-Israeli War. It occurred as Arab states invaded the newly declared State of Israel, leading to the exodus or expulsion of Palestinians from areas that became Israeli territory.
Palestinians view it as a national tragedy marking the loss of their homeland.From Deir Yassin to Tantura, from Kafr Qasim to Sabra and Shatila, Israel’s history is written in massacres. Entire generations were uprooted and turned into refugees. Cities like Jaffa and Haifa, were emptied, their people driven out at gunpoint. 
This wasn’t a war between equal sides. It was a colonial conquest, supported and legitimized by Western powers that saw in Israel a loyal outpost to control the Middle East. Read about the genocide of the Palestinians. History has repeated itself many times throughout the ages..
Long before any armed resistance groups existed, Palestinians were massacred, expelled, and ethnically cleansed during the 1948 Nakba. Cities like Yafa, Haifa, Lydd, and Acre were emptied, their people driven out, their homes seized — the blueprint of today’s oppression was already in motion.
For 75+ years, Israel has violated every international law imaginable, occupying land, annexing territory, assassinating leaders, bombing civilians, and enforcing apartheid. Yet, the so-called international community rewards it with impunity, weapons, and unconditional support.
October 7th  was preceded  by 8 decades of Zionist violence, dispossession, unlawful occupation,  massacres, brutalisation,  apartheid, murder ethnic  cleansing,  and the denial of Palestinian self-determination. October 7th was the explosion of a wound left open for 76 years The most shocking thing about October 7 is that it didn’t happen sooner. 
The apartheid regime has bulldozed homes, stolen land, starved children, and caged millions under military rule and then feigns shock when resistance erupts. October 7 was an uprising by an occupied people against 76 years of illegal colonisation and the world's longest, most brutal military siege. Who in their right mind would trap over 2 million humans in a weapon testing, starvation death camp, and not expect them to try break out?
Palestinians have lived through a thousand October 7ths, untelevised, uncounted, ungrieved. Each siege, each massacre, each bombing of a school or hospital, each child buried beneath rubble while the world debated “proportionality.” What happened on October 7 was a mirror, briefly held up to a world that had long refused to look.
To frame Oct 7 without this history is to erase the daily terror Palestinians endure, checkpoints, bombardments, blockades, and the slow suffocation of life itself.
The truth is that the occupation breeds the cycle of violence, and the so-called “war on Hamas” is nothing more than a cover for mass ethnic cleansing and land theft.  Now that Netanyahu has dropped the mask, openly declaring permanent occupation and annexation, the world has no excuse for inaction.  This is not about “security” it’s about expansion, impunity, and a regime operating above every law. The U.S., bankrolling this horror with $3.8B a year, is not an innocent bystander it is a full partner in crime  If justice is to mean anything, both Israel and the U.S. must be brought before international courts, sanctioned, and isolated until the machinery of apartheid and genocide is dismantled.  Otherwise, Oct 7 will not be remembered as a turning point, but as proof the world abandoned its own laws when they mattered most.
Between 7 October 2023 and 22 October 2025, according to the Ministry of Health (MoH) in Gaza, as stated by OCHA, at least 68,234 Palestinians have been reportedly killed in the Gaza Strip and 170,373 have been injured.  
UNRWA recorded over 380 workers killed since the war began (309 UNRWA personnel, in addition to 72 persons who were supporting UNRWA activities), as at 26 October 2025. 
UNRWA ran out of food at the end of April. The Agency has not been allowed to bring in any humanitarian assistance including food for almost eight  months (since 2 March 2025).  
The Israeli authorities have not granted the Agency’s international staff visas or permits to enter the occupied Palestinian territory, including Gaza, since the end of January 2025.
Israel has never sought peace and will never seek it. Anyone who believes otherwise is delusional. Israel is a war machine, an entity built on violence and occupation. 
To truly understand this, we must reflect on the past 76 years of terrorism inflicted on the Palestinian people. In 2025, there have been over 860 violent settler attacks in the West Bank. World Leaders have a legal obligation to dismantle Israel’s unlawful occupation and to bring its system of apartheid to an end. 
There  can  be no going back to pre-7th Oct days where the world ignores Zionist aggression. 
Israel is  currently  bombing tents again with F35 jets. They have bombed the vicinity of Shifa Hospital, west of Gaza city, al-Shati refugee camp and just east of Deir al-Balah in central Gaza.
Two years since October 7, we must confront an urgent truth: the genocide in Palestine did not begin on that day, and it has not ended. They commit genocide with impunity. Israel continues to kill, starve, maim, and displace the Palestinians of Gaza despite the three-week-old truce, There was no ceasefire, they broke it every single day. 
In Gaza  amid the destruction, people  still cry out. Do not forget them , do not stay silent. Keep your eyes open, raise your voice, and stand with Palestine. Ensure there is justice and accountability. And we must not waver in our efforts to ensure a future where the  Palestinians  are  free, and  justice  is restored, and they are  finally liberated from occupation.

Saturday, 25 October 2025

The Life and Death of Irish Republican revolutionary, poet and patriot Terence James MacSwiney ( 28 March 1879 – 25 October 1920)

 

Irish Republican revolutionary, philosopher, poet, playwright, Irish language and cultural revivalist, patriot, Terence James MacSwiney  died  in  Brixton Prison on 25th Oct 1920 after 74 days on hunger strike.

If I die I know the fruit will exceed the cost a thousand fold. The thought of it makes me happy. I thank God for it. Ah, Cathal, the pain of Easter week is properly dead at last.”  

Terence MacSwiney wrote these words in a letter to Cathal Brugha on September 30, 1920, the 39th day of his hunger strike. The pain he refers to is that caused by his failure to partake in the 1916 Easter Rising. Contradictory orders from Dublin and the failure of the arms ship, the Aud, to land arms in Tralee left the Volunteers in Cork unprepared for insurrection.  
He was born on 28 March 1879 into a staunchly nationalist, Cork Catholic family at 23 North Main Street, Cork, County Cork, one of eight children of John and Mary MacSwiney. His father, John MacSwiney, of Cork, had volunteered in 1868 to fight as a papal guard against Garibaldi, had been a schoolteacher in London and later opened a tobacco factory in Cork. Following the failure of this business, he emigrated to Australia in 1885 leaving Terence and the other children in the care of their mother and his eldest daughter.  
MacSwiney’s mother, Mary Wilkinson, was an English Catholic with strong Irish nationalist opinions. 
MacSwiney is educated by the Christian Brothers at the North Monastery school in Cork but leaves at fifteen to help support the family. He becomes an accountancy clerk but continues his studies and matriculates successfully. He continues in full-time employment while he studies at the Royal University (now University College Cork), graduating with a degree in Mental and Moral Science in 1907.
In 1899 he joined the Gaelic League and remained an active supporter of the Irish language throughout his life, establishing Irish language classes with Tomás MacCurtain, and co-founding the Cork Celtic Literary Society which adopted a broad nationalist programme, and the Cork Dramatic Society with the writer and academic Daniel Corkery.  
MacSwiney was a teacher, poet and playwright, and his play The Revolutionist, was described by historian Patrick Maume as “an important statement of MacSwiney’s philosophy of self-sacrifice”. 
The Corkman believed that the sacrifice of the few could unite a people and mobilise the nation for freedom. In his collection of political writings, Principles of Freedom, he wrote “It is love of country that inspires us; not hate of the enemy …’”  
Described as a sensitive poet-intellectual, MacSwiney’s writings in the newspaper Irish Freedom bring him to the attention of the Irish Republican Brotherhood. He is one of the founders of the Cork Brigade of the Irish Volunteers in 1913 and is President of the Cork branch of Sinn Féin. He founds a newspaper, Fianna Fáil, in 1914, but it is suppressed after only 11 issues.
In April 1916, he is intended to be second in command of the Easter Rising in Cork and Kerry but stands down his forces on the order of Eoin MacNeill.
Following the rising, MacSwiney is imprisoned by the British Government under the Defence of the Realm Act 1914 and was imprisoned in Frongoch internment camp in Wales and later in Bromyard  internment camps until his release in June 1917. 
While he was still  in Bromyard that he marries Muriel Murphy of the Cork distillery-owning family. Terence and Muriel had one child, Máire, born in 1918. Máire would later marry Ruairí Brugha, son of another famous Republican, Cathal Brugha.
In November 1917, he is arrested in Cork for wearing an Irish Republican Army (IRA) uniform, and inspired by the example of Thomas Ashe, goes on a hunger strike for three days prior to his release. 
In the 1918 Irish general election, MacSwiney is returned unopposed to the first Dáil Éireann as Sinn Féin representative for Mid Cork, succeeding the Nationalist MP D. D. Sheehan.
After the murder of his friend Tomás Mac Curtain, the Lord Mayor of Cork on March 20, 1920, he is elected as Lord Mayor. A deeply religious man, during his acceptance speech made when he was elected Lord Mayor of Cork, he said of Ireland’s long fight for freedom: “It is not those who can inflict the most, but those who can suffer the most who will conquer.”    
He was elected not only by the ballot box but with the blood of his predecessor, Tomás Mac Curtain.    Mac Curtain had been Cork City’s first mayor to be elected by running on a Republican ticket, and he had won it despite the continual suppression of the party’s platform by British authorities.
In reprisal for his success, Mac Curtain was gunned down in his own bedroom at dawn by a squad of masked men—later revealed to be Crown Forces in disguise. 
They had burst into Mac Curtain’s home and fired point-blank into the sleeping mayor as his wife and children cowered nearby. Due to the enforced curfew and martial law, his panicked children risked their lives by running to fetch the doctor for their mortally wounded father. 
Mac Curtain died in the arms of his pregnant wife who found the soulful courage to remind him “this is for Ireland, Tomás.” It was his thirty-sixth birthday. 


Tomás Mac Curtain (1884-1920)

The gory warning cloaked in this assassination was clear: the citizenry of Cork should think twice before electing any more free thinkers. No trial followed; the British Parliamentary inquest blamed “masked and unknown men,” but bragging by local British officials for having orchestrated it fuelled outrage. 
When the Mayor of nearby Limerick was similarly assassinated in front of his family a mere two months later, shockingly the British Parliament agreed it was a perturbing coincidence, but declined further inquiry. 
On August 12, 1920, MacSwiney is arrested in Cork for possession of “seditous articles and documents,” and also possession of a cipher key. He is summarily tried by a court on August 16 and sentenced to two years’ imprisonment and  was shipped to London’s Brixton Prison for incarceration, making a mockery of the supposed justice system in place in his native land. MacSwiney declared before the tribunal, ‘I have decided the term of my imprisonment.  Whatever your government may do, I shall be free, alive or dead, within a month.’  
At Brixton  MacSwiney immediately joined his fellow Irish Republican prisoners on hunger strike, with the aim of demanding Britain acknowledge him and his fellows as political prisoners. 
This was no new tactic for the Irish, following a long tradition of fasting against injustice prevalent in ancient Ireland. and was met with no mercy at the hands of English guards. With MacSwiney being a duly elected Lord Mayor and the most high-profile striker at Brixton, he became an international celebrity, his emaciated features broadcast in newspapers from Dublin to Delhi. 
It was of the utmost importance for the British to break his spirit and force a retraction from him; the ordeal proved harrowing. Force-fed through tubes that tore his throat, MacSwiney endured convulsions and delirium, indignities and veiled threats towards the welfare of his wife and infant child. Undaunted herself by these threats, Muriel MacSwiney travelled to London with her baby daughter Máire, pleading for clemency at Westminster’s gates and joining the crowds that swelled outside Brixton Prison, chanting Gaelic hymns to encourage the strikers. 
Enthralled by MacSwiney breaking all previous records for a prisoner going without food, the international press afforded the case so much coverage that Ireland’s War of Independence and the cause of Irish freedom  as suddenly parachuted onto the world stage ,and worldwide media attention. Crowds gathered to pray and protest at Brixton prison and King George V privately appealed to the British government for clemency  and was even considering over-ruling Prime Minister Lloyd George and enduring a constitutional crisis. . 
Messages of support poured in from around the world – a telegram sent from the mayor of New York to Lloyd George urged him to end the “the imprisonment of Lord Mayor MacSwiney whose heroic fortitude in representing even unto death the opinions of the citizens who elected him has won the admiration of all the peoples who believe in rule of the people by the people”.  
10,000 people protested in Glasgow. The British newspaper The Observer noted “the majority of public opinion and of the press in Great Britain is unquestionably for the Lord Mayor’s release”. 
As the hunger strike continued, the British government was threatened with a boycott of English goods by North America, and four countries in South America appealed to the Pope to intervene in the standoff.
Terence MacSwiney drew his final breath after 74 days kept as a political prisoner. At age forty-one, the poet-turned-revolutionary slipped away in the arms of his brother and a prison chaplain, his body a skeletal testament to an unyielding will. His last words to a priest by his side were, “I want you to bear witness that I die as a soldier of the Irish Republic.”  
MacSwiney’s death was no quiet surrender; it served as a lurid exclamation mark in Ireland’s gruesome War for Independence, a death that reverberated across the Atlantic. 
Pictures of MacSwiney’s beautiful widow Muriel MacSwiney clutching her infant child upon collecting her husband’s body circulated in papers across the globe, and incited outrage that shamed an empire.
Protests were held as far away as India and Chicago and widespread condemnation of the death and treatment of Terrence MacSwiney and his colleagues on hunger strike were issued around the world.
Yet it was across the Atlantic that his sacrifice kindled the fiercest flame. Irish America, with its millions of descendants nursing old grievances, erupted in solidarity. New York City declared a day of mourning on October 26; Broadway theaters dimmed their lights, factories sounded sirens, and at noon, every citizen paused in silence—a “city frozen in grief,” as the New York Times reported. 
Vigils blazed for weeks: in Boston’s Fenway Park, 50,000 gathered under torchlight, reciting the Rosary; Chicago’s Holy Name Cathedral hosted masses where priests thundered against British “barbarism.” 
Funds poured in—over $1 million (a fortune then) for the Irish cause, funneled through the American Commission on Conditions in Ireland. In Pittsburgh, 5,000 crammed the Lyceum Theater on Halloween night, 1920, to hear eulogies for MacSwiney. 
MacSwiney's body lay in St. George’s Cathedral, Southwark in London where 30,000 people file past it. Fearing large-scale demonstrations in Dublin, the authorities divert his coffin directly to Cork.  MacSwiney’s coffin arrived in Cork and escorted it to City hall where it laid in State.
On the 31st of October after funeral mass in Cork Cathedral, up to 100,000 lined the streets as MacSwiney was taken to the republican plot and buried beside his friend Tomás MacCurtain. Arthur Griffith then President of Sinn Féin delivered the graveside oration.


Funeral procession of Terence MacSwiney in Cork

 MacSwiney left no grand monument—only a legacy of suffering transmuted into strength. “That we shall win our freedom I have no doubt,” he had mused in prison, “that we shall use it well I am not so certain.” 
His coffin bore the inscription “Murdered by the Foreigner in Brixton Prison” in Gaelic, directly showing his ties to Irish republicanism, culture, and anti-British sentiment.


 
Hailed as a martyr for Ireland for his courage and bravery, in daring to defy England. His hunger strike raised awareness of the political situation in Ireland. His death  also hastened the Anglo-Irish Treaty which came about one year later, forcing Britain into peace talks and paving the way to an independent Irish Republic. He also left a body of writing that encompassed poetry, political philosophy and ideas for Ireland's economic development. 
MacSwiney's life and work had a particular impact in India. Jawaharlal Nehru took inspiration from MacSwiney's example and writings, and Mahatma Gandhi counted him among his influences. A Indian revolutionary Bhagat Singh  https://teifidancer-teifidancer.blogspot.com/2023/03/marking-revolutionary-freedom-fighter.html  was an admirer of Terence MacSwiney and wrote about him in his memoirs. 
Other figures beyond India who counted MacSwiney as an influence include Ho Chi Minh who was working in London at the time of MacSwiney's death and said of him, "A nation that has such citizens will never surrender". On 1 November 1920, the Catalan organization CADCI held a demonstration in Barcelona, where the poet and politician Ventura Gassol delivered an original poem extolling MacSwiney.
Terence MacSwiney became a symbol for many Irish Nationalists. His decision to go on a hunger strike and later death cemented the use of food and hunger strike as a form of resistance against the British. The British might be able to control the location and treatment of the Irish prisoners, but the Irish prisoners’ refusal to eat signifies the reassertion of direct control over their bodies, directly defying the British. 
MacSwiney’s actions and words “articulated a philosophy of self-sacrifice that would help define the emerging traditions of Irish republican martyrdom”. This element of self-sacrifice was seen throughout the psyche of IRA members like  Brendan Hughes, Bobby Sands, and Dolours Price. Bobby Sands and Dolours Price are particularly good examples of how far they took the idea of self-sacrifice as they actually went on hunger strike, with Bobby Sands paying the ultimate price of death.   
Irish republican  Bobby Sands https://teifidancer-teifidancer.blogspot.com/2021/05/remembering-bobby-sands.html  also defied England by going on hunger strike in 1981. His goal: to be recognized as a political prisoner. After weeks of fasting, his hunger strike led to his death provoking an international outcry just as it did for MacSwiney in 1920.
MacSwiney’s impact on Bobby Sands can be seen through the entries in Sands’ prison diary which documents his first seventeen days on hunger strike. He starts with invoking the ideas of martyrdom and sacrifice associated with MacSwiney, writing: “I believe I am but another of those wretched Irishmen born of a risen generation with a deeply rooted and unquenchable desire for freedom” (Sands). This shows how Sands believes that his role is to continue the struggle and sacrifice himself like MacSwiney did for the cause of Irish freedom. 
Sands continues to invoke MacSwiney throughout his diary, writing that MacSwiney is “in my thoughts” as he continued the process of his hunger strike (Sands). 
Towards the end of his prison diary and hunger strike, Sands writes: “I have poems in my mind, mediocre no doubt, poems of hunger strike and MacSwiney, and everything that this hunger-strike has stirred up in my heart and in my mind, but the weariness is slowly creeping in, and my heart is willing but my body wants to be lazy, so I have decided to mass all my energy and thoughts into consolidating my resistance” (Sands). 
This is particularly telling of MacSwiney’s impact on Sands in many ways. Sands is imitating MacSwiney not only through writing poetry but also through hunger strike, showing how Sands truly did want to emulate MacSwiney in more ways than one. Thinking about MacSwiney reminded Sands of the purpose of his hunger strike and gave him the strength to continue his resistance, showing MacSwiney’s impact on future generations of Republicans.  

Sources  and Further Reading  

Principles of Freedom (Dublin: The Talbot Press, 1921) - Terence MacSwiney 

Despite Fools' Laughter. Poems by Terence MacSwiney; edited by B. G. MacCarthy (Dublin: M. H. Gill and Son, 1944).

Enduring the Most: The Life and Death of Terence MacSwiney by Francis J. Costello, 

Terence MacSwiney: The Hunger Strike that Rocked an Empire by Dave Hannigan, 

The Art and Ideology of Terence MacSwiney by Gabriel Doherty and Fiona Brennan 

O’Farrell, Fergus. 2018. “Brixton Remembers One of Ireland’s Most Famous Hunger Strikers.” The Irish Times. Oct. 18.


Perlman, Jason. “Terence MacSwiney: The Triumph and Tragedy of the Hunger Strike.” 2007. 


Sands, Bobby. “Prison Diary.” The Bobby Sands Trust.


Scull, Maggie. 2020.aggie. 2020. “The Three Funerals of Terence MacSwiney.” The Irish Times. Oct. 24. 


Thursday, 23 October 2025

No British justice in Ireland!

 



A British soldier  charged with murder over the Bloody Sunday massacre has been acquitted by a Belfast court, in a verdict condemned by victims’ relatives and Northern Ireland’s political leaders.  
The former British paratrooper, known as Soldier F under a court anonymity order, was accused of murdering James Wray and William McKinney and attempting to murder five others when soldiers opened fire on unarmed Catholic civil rights marchers in Derry more than 50 years ago.
That day on 30 January 1972 in Derry, Northern Ireland, 13 innocent  peaceful Irish Catholics were murdered in broad daylight  by the British army, many more were injured  as they were marching for their basic freedoms and civil rights, under almost siege like conditions under unjust British rule in the city and across Northern Ireland,  in what is regarded.as one the darkest days of Northern Ireland's troubles. 
The civil rights protestors were shot in the Bogside by British soldiers  from the Parachute Regiment. The protestors were opposing the policy of internment which allowed the authorities to imprison suspected members of the IRA without trial. On 9 August, 11, British soldiers detained 342 people, many of whom were tortured and had no connection to the IRA . 
This disastrous policy led to an immediate increase in violence, with 17 people killed within the next 48 hours. On 22 January 1972, soldiers attacked an anti-internment protest in Derry, firing rubber bullets and beating protestors severely.
However the Northern Ireland Civil Rights  Association was determined not to be intimidated. so on 30 January 1972 around 10,000 people marched towards the city centre, but their route was blocked by army barricades. Here and there, some stones and bottles were thrown at the troops but collectively the marchers posed little threat to the well armed British soldiers, who  exceptionally on this day were members of an elite parachute regiment, thus trained for combat, not policing crowds. At some point for reasons that as never been established, British soldiers began firing into the crowd of civilians.
Soon many were falling to the ground.
All of the dead were unarmed, five were shot in the back. Most were shot fleeing the soldiers and several were killed trying to assist the wounded. One man was shot and killed while assisting a victim and waving a white handkerchief another killed with his arms raised in surrender position. Seven of them were teenagers. Another marcher died a month later and there were many more wounded from rubber bullets. 
The massacre became a worldwide symbol of state brutality – and community resilience. Which was followed by decades of state lies, cover-ups and smears against the victims, Bloody Sunday became one of the most notorious massacres in British military history.
It took decades for the British State to recognise that those killed on Bloody Sunday were innocent - that what was done was “unjustified and unjustifiable”. The Saville report concluded that those killed on Bloody Sunday posed no threat to the British army. They were innocent civilians murdered in an act of state violence. Over fifteen years ago, the then British Prime Minister publicly acknowledged the role of British soldiers on Bloody Sunday. The families and survivors have carried a weight of injustice that few of us will ever understand.
Today a  judge has found a British soldier not guilty for his role in the Bloody Sunday massacre of 1972, a huge setback for a 53-year-long campaign for justice.   
After a campaign spanning five decades, the prosecution of a single soldier finally began in September.  ‘Soldier F’ was one of 18 former soldiers reported to prosecutors as a result of an investigation which followed the second public inquiry into Bloody Sunday.
The decision to charge him was only taken in 2019 under intense pressure from the families of the victims. Two years later, the case was suddenly dropped, but resumed in 2022 after a legal challenge. 
The Bloody Sunday massacre was planned and authorised by men of far higher rank than the scruffs like Soldier F who pulled the triggers. F and the other killers merely did what was expected of them, what they’d been ordered to do, what they’d repeatedly done before in the far-flung reaches of Empire. 
Evidence from 20 civilian witnesses was presented during the five weeks of the non-jury trial trial. For over two hours Judge Patrick Lynch recapped the evidence.  
He praised the Bloody Sunday families for their ‘quiet dignity’, attending court each day, and revealed Soldier F had attended each day, sitting behind a screen where only the judge could see him.
But there was profound shock in the courtroon as the judge announced he had been cleared of the murders of James Wray and William McKinney, and attempting to murder five others. 
Delivering his judgment, the judge said the evidence presented by the prosecution “falls below” the standard needed for conviction.  
He added that the court was “constrained and limited by the evidence put before it”.  
The judge spoke of the difficulty that the passage of time - it is almost 54 years since Bloody Sunday - presents to the legal process. Statements in the trial were 53 years old and documents have been destroyed or have gone missing.  
The judge also cast doubt on statements, previously described as decisive evidence, from two other British soldiers, as he said they appeared to have told lies on several occasions. 
 “Their statements, the sole and decisive evidence, cannot be tested in a way that witnesses giving evidence from the witness box would be,” he said. 
 “Delay has, in my view, seriously hampered the capacity of the defence to test the veracity and accuracy of the hearsay statements.  
“The two witnesses are themselves, on the basis of the Crown case guilty of murder as, in essence, accomplices with a motivation to name F as a participant in their murderous activities. 
 “I find that they have been serially untruthful about matters central to events giving rise to this prosecution.  
“They have committed perjury, G once to the Widgery Inquiry and H twice to the Widgery and Saville Inquiries. 
 “This is the evidence the Crown present as proving the guilt of F. Whatever suspicions the court may have about the role of F, this court is constrained and limited by the evidence properly presented before it.  
“To convict it has to be upon evidence that is convincing and manifestly reliable. 
 “The evidence presented by the Crown falls well short of this standard and signally fails to reach the high standard of proof required in a criminal case; that of proof beyond a reasonable doubt. 
 “Therefore, I find the accused not guilty on all seven counts on the present bill of indictment.


Bloody Sunday families and supporters walked to the Royal Courts of Justice on Thursday ahead of the verdict

 First Minister Michelle O'Neill said it was "deeply disappointing" that the Bloody Sunday families faced a "continued denial of justice".  "For more than five decades, they have campaigned with dignity and resilience for justice for their loved ones, their deeply cherished sons and fathers, uncles and brothers," the Sinn Féin deputy leader said.  
Foyle Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) MP Colum Eastwood said it was a "difficult day" for the Bloody Sunday families, but said they could "hold their heads up high".  "It is absolutely clear that those soldiers, including Soldier F, shot and killed people on Bloody Sunday," 
Eastwood said.  "These were innocent people, no weapons, just on a civil rights march, mowed down by the Parachute Regiment of the British Army. That's what happened and that's absolutely clear."
Soldier F being found not guilty for the murders of innocent civilians on Bloody Sunday shows that nothing has changed in Britain since the 1970s.Bloody Sunday is the most notorious example of state violence in the north , but it is not unique. Across the north of Ireland, hundreds of families bereaved by the British faced the same brick wall: no investigation, no disclosure, no accountability,
The British army has covered up crimes for over 50 years and there are still no prosecutions for their actions nor  has  a single British combatant  ever been convicted for the crimes  perpetrated that day.
Whether found guilty or not with lack of evidence, British Soldiers are guilty of murder. 
There is no British justice in Ireland!  An absolute  disgrace. 
Solidarity with families and friends of Bloody Sunday victims. They are an inspiration to the world. For over 50 years they have kept their heads held high, their voice determined, their dignity in tact! 


Tuesday, 21 October 2025

Abolish the Monarchy



King Charles last week stripped his younger brother of his Royal titles following more embarrassing revelations over the prince's friendship with late US paedophile Jeffrey Epstein. Royal sources told how the King had grown “weary and furious” over the continuing tide of scandal plaguing the monarchy and told Andrew that drastic action was needed to stem it.  Andrew agreed following the phone call to give up his titles except prince. He will no longer be Duke of York or a Knight of the Garter – the world’s oldest order of chivalry.
Prince Andrew has announced that after consulting with King Charles he has given up his Duke of York title. The move comes ahead of the posthumous release of Virginia Giuffre's memoir next week, which is speculated to include more accusations against the royal, all of which he denies. "In discussion with The King, and my immediate and wider family, we have concluded the continued accusations about me distract from the work of His Majesty and the Royal Family," Andrew said in a statement released by Buckingham Palace on Friday evening,
 "I have decided, as I always have, to put my duty to my family and country first. I stand by my decision five years ago to stand back from public life. "With His Majesty's agreement, we feel I must now go a step further. I will therefore no longer use my title or the honours which have been conferred upon me. "As I have said previously, I vigorously deny the accusations against me."
The bombshell came seven months after the suicide of Virginia Giuffre who was trafficked by billionaire Epstein and says she was forced to have sex with Andrew three times.
However Prince Andrew is still a vice admiral in the Royal Navy. He was given the rank by his mum for his 55th birthday, in an act of blatant nepotism. Any other officer would have been dishonourably discharged by now.  
Relinquishing his dukedom won't impact Andrew's living arrangements, with the prince to remain at Royal Lodge in Windsor. While the royal has given up all of his titles and honours voluntarily, there's one that can't be taken away from him, and that is the title of prince.
No real consequences for this arrogant, entitled  and pompous, shit. He stated in that now infamous interview with Emily Maitlis that "he learnt a lot from Epstein"  His ex-wife is no better. The fact that Andrew and Fergie have stayed living together is like two addicts mutually feeding each other’s awfulness. Fergie is at least as morally bankrupt as him - she’s the ultimate hanger-on. Anywhere there’s free food, a free holiday and a money-making opportunity you’d find Fergie. They absolutely deserve each other. Disgusting pair. 
Giuffre's memoirs claim Andrew insisted she sign a one-year gag order to prevent details of her allegations tarnishing the late Queen's platinum jubilee. It was only ever about protecting their reputation and not protecting the victim. The Queen paid for her silence, the monarchy itself financed silence in a sex abuse scandal. Unprecedented.
The Royals are only asking Andrew to stop using his titles to protect themselves and ensure that William can take the throne having moved on from a scandal. Charles and William have protected Andrew for all these years. 
Now the  media is making them out as heroes for slapping him on the wrist. The Royal family didn’t do anything about Prince Andrew, like they didn’t do anything about Lord Louis Mountbatten before him. Prince Andrew isn’t a one off. It’s a pattern of privilege and abuse of power, which at its core, is the definition of this monarchy. 
Buckingham Palace has issued a statement encouraging people to focus on the King's work rather than other matters. Translation - Hey plebs stop holding the Royal family to account for their crimes and get back to blindly worshipping them. They are all complicit including the late Queen, the Prince Andrew scandal shows very clearly that the  monarchy puts its own interests first, not country.
This statement will do nothing to limit the ongoing reputational damage to the Royal Family. Much firmer steps need to be taken. Especially as we are likely have weeks and months of more drip-feed revelations to come.
Prince Andrew not using a handful of titles, that shouldn't even exist in a modern democracy is an empty gesture to keep 'The Firm' in business. Epstein's pal will continue his gilded existence in a £30m mansion on the Windsor Estate. 
Only an Act of Parliament can remove these titles but these politicians in Labour and Tories are not willing to do so. Seems like the government protects the Royal family so  the public think they are above the law, Parliament must now show leadership and remove all Prince Andrew’s titles. It shouldn’t be a voluntary matter. 
The latest scandal has  highlighted  the  fact that the monarchy is an undemocratic, antiquated relic that serves no useful purpose in the 21st century.  Far from uniting the country, the monarchy's role is seen by many people to be illegitimate and offensive, and simply entrenches hereditary privilege at the heart of public life. 
While our government patronisisingly preaches democracy to the rest of the world, they still preside over an undemocratic system at home with an unelected head of state .With their vestiges of privilege, the royal family continues to award themselves medals, appoint themselves to top military ranks that they simply they do not deserve. Allow themselves to be nominated as patrons of charities , degrading the real efforts of those who have really made general contributions. 
While the Royals get there houses refurbished  at tax payers expense, so many people cannot afford to heat their homes or put enough nutritional meals on their tables. In this context  this continuing fawning to members of the Royal family and their hangers on, I simply find  offensive.
It certainly reinforces my feelings that some people are born better than others. It's the pinnacle of the class system which has held our society back for so long, enforcing the idea of an elite ruling class. Their nauseating displays of riches, power and privilege ,is simply an affront to human decency. 
The Monarchy has absolutely nothing to offer anyone. The only stability it provides is to entrench the UK class system. The monarchy is a relic of feudalism, perpetuating a system of privilege and inequality.
The British monarchy also has a global history of the slaughter and destruction of indigenous people. Their rapacious greed consumes them, they are a curse on humanity. Broken? Dysfunctional? That’s the monarchy in a nutshell a gilded mess propped up by scandals and shady deals, cozy with Middle Eastern money while the public pays the price.
Sir Keir Starmer once wanted to abolish the Monarchy, and King Charles hates socialism. Only one changed their mind. And it wasn't Charles.
Charles is an advert for the failures of hereditary power, whether it’s his temperament or his hypocrisy on the environment, flying by helicopter to Cambridge to lecture scientists on the need for the rest of us to cut our carbon emissions. 
King Charles will also avoid inheritance tax on his mother’s vast estate, estimated to be worth in excess of £650m. There is absolutely no moral justification for this tax avoidance, and the new monarch could voluntarily pay his due, but doesn’t. 
The palace itself is not fit for purpose, falling well short of the standards in public life against which we measure other institutions, such as spending vast amounts of public money on private residences, something MPs lost their jobs for during the expenses scandal.  
The Royal family are an outdated and Dickensian afterthought from the empire, They cost us more than they actually bring into the economy and are not representative of today's modern society.
The monarchy is supported financially by UK taxpayers via the Sovereign Grant, which covers central staffing costs and expenses for the monarch’s official households, maintenance of the royal palaces in England, and travel and royal engagements and visits.  
Accounts for 2024/25 show that the Sovereign Grant that financial year remained at £86.3 million. Yet the “real cost” to taxpayers is nearly six times more, said anti-monarchy campaigners.  
Republic, which calls for the abolition of the monarchy, claims the official figure does not account for security, and other "lost income" for taxpayers, including from property businesses controlled by the duchies of Lancaster and Cornwall, which go directly to the King and the Prince of Wales respectively. Republic says the royals' total annual bill is in fact £510 million. "How can we talk about cutting the winter fuel allowance while wasting half a billion pounds on the royals?" Republic's chief executive, Graham Smith, told the BBC last September.
Republic and other anti-monarchists argue that "hereditary public office goes against every democratic principle". The public cannot hold the royal family to account at the ballot box, so "there's nothing to stop them abusing their privilege, misusing their influence or simply wasting our money".
Rather than notions of fair play, the monarchy perpetuates notions of nepotism, feudal concepts of bloodlines and elitism.   
I believe in a society, where we can all look into one another's eyes as equals , whatever our purpose or position in life. This continuing deference to them is embarrassing. Support for the monarchy is now at its lowest level with more people than ever questioning the future of  an institution we have never voted for and that many feel increasingly alienated from.
The cost of living crisis and the increasingly obvious chasm between the struggles of ordinary people and the taxpayer-funded luxury of the royals is just one reason opinion polls have been shifting. 
Your energy bills went up recently - again. Your food bills are continuing to rise steeply. Your council tax went up but the services go down. Yet in the last month we’ve seen golden carriages travel through London and  displays of obscene inherited wealth with the monarchy celebrating the presence of a fascist. 
An unaccountable billionaire family bankrolled by the public purse. To become a fairer egalitarian country it’s time to finally abolish the parasitic monarchy and confine these pointless ornaments to the dustbins of history once and  for  all. Open up all their private millions of acres to normal citizens. Enough is enough! 
Before anyone mentions ‘tourism’ Versailles welcomes more tourists  after  the Royal families hasty  departure  in 1789 following the French  Revolution. Today the Palace of Versailles is the  most visited Palace on the planet. 
The Royal family and tourism is a myth perpetrated by the Royal Family. It is long past time for them to go and leave the money taken from us, behind them. Bring on the republic.

Friday, 10 October 2025

World Mental Health Day 2025:Access to services - mental health in catastrophes and emergencies.


October  10th marks World Mental Health Day. It’s a day that should be every day of the year. Mental health isn’t a trend  it’s part of who we are.  One in five  of  us  have a mental health condition. You probably know and love somebody who struggles with their mental health, even if you don’t realise it.  
So why is there still  such  a stigma about discussing it?
Among the most menacing barriers to the social progress we need around mental health are the profound levels of guilt, shame and stigma that surround these issues. Mental illness scares us and shames us. Those who suffer are often, like me, ashamed to speak of it. Those who are lucky enough to be free of mental illness are terrified of it. 
When it comes to mental illness, we still don't quite get how it all works. Our treatments, while sometimes effective, often are not. And the symptoms, involving a fundamental breakdown of our perceived reality, are existentially terrifying. There is something almost random about physical illness, in how it comes upon us , a physical illness can strike anyone – and that is almost comforting. 
But  mental illness seems  to fall into that same category, the fact  it too could strike any of us, without warning should be equally recognised.
But more than simple fear, mental illness brings out a judgmental streak that would be unthinkably grotesque when applied to physical illness. Imagine telling someone with a broken leg to "snap out of it."  
Imagine that a death by cancer was accompanied by the same smug headshaking that so often greets death by suicide. Mental illness is so qualitatively different that we feel it permissible to be judgmental. We might even go so far as to blame the sufferer. Because of the  stigma involved  it often leaves us much sicker. 
Capitalist society also teaches us that we are each personally responsible for our own success.  A system of blame that somehow makes the emotional and psychological difficulties we encounter seem to be our own fault.  
This belief is such a firm part of ruling class ideology that millions of people who would never openly articulate this idea, nonetheless accept it in subtle and overt ways. People are often ashamed that they need medication, seeing this as revealing some constitutional weakness. People feel guilty about needing therapy, thinking that they should be able to solve their problems on their own.
Millions of people fail to seek any treatment, because mental health care is seen as something that only the most dramatically unstable person would turn to. An ill-informed and damaging attitude among some people exists around mental health that can make it difficult for some to seek help. It is estimated that only about a quarter of people with a mental health problem in the UK receive ongoing treatment, leaving the majority of people grappling with mental health issues on their own, seeking help or information, and dependent on the informal support of family, friends or colleagues.
A reminder it’s ok not to be ok! There’s no shame in resting, no shame in struggling, no shame in asking for help. If you’re struggling, whether it’s because of illness, grief, burnout, or just the quiet weight of the bloody  world, please don't suffer in silence, reach out and get the help you need. 
And I'll  remind you that you don’t have to be positive all the time. You don’t have to be healed to be worthy. The world needs your story, even if it’s still messy. Please don’t give up.  It’s important to be kind to yourself, to reflect for a minute that you are loved and important to others. 
Mental health  should  be  a "universal human right” but for too many, it’s still out of reach. Mental health isn’t a luxury. It’s a foundation, It’s about dignity, access, and connection. This year’s theme is 'access to services - mental health in catastrophes and emergencies'.  reminds us that support must be accessible when the world feels most unstable. In times of crisis, headlines often heighten feelings of worry and helplessness. It also  highlights the importance of people being able to protect their mental health whatever they're going through, because everyone deserves good mental health.
And  the urgent need to ensure mental health and psychosocial support (MHPSS) reaches people affected by conflict, disaster, and displacement. In 2025, this call is more pressing than ever as humanitarian needs continue to rise worldwide. 
In emergencies, one in three people experience a mental health condition, and one in twenty face severe conditions. Displacement and disrupted health systems make access to care even harder, particularly for migrants, who often face legal and social barriers even before crises.
Providing mental health care during emergencies isn’t just compassionate, it’s life-saving. It gives people the strength to cope, the space to heal, and the tools to rebuild,not just as individuals, but as families, communities, and societies.  
That’s why this year’s theme calls on all of us, from government leaders and healthcare providers to educators, social care workers, and community groups, to come together. Because when we act collectively, we can ensure that even in the darkest moments, no one is left behind.
So much of what’s labelled a mental health crisis is actually a systemic failure crisis. When people live in poverty, with untreated chronic illnesses, inaccessible healthcare, and constant disability discrimination, anxiety and depression aren’t disorders, they’re symptoms of survival. You can’t “therapy” your way out of medical gaslighting, financial instability, or being left behind by the systems meant to protect you. If we truly want to improve mental health, we must address the conditions that cause distress, such as poverty, chronic illness, and disability, not just the emotions that result from them. Mental health is not separate from public health, economic policy, or disability rights. It’s all connected. 
Would  like to say a big fuck  you to the Labour Government and  the DWP who are doing their utmost to minimise the struggles of people suffering with mental health issues and to regress attitudes back to a time when "pull your socks up" was an accepted response. We don’t want job coaches we want a decent mental health service. On this World Mental Health Day, together we must ensure that all people affected by crises have access to the care they need.
Would  like  though  to give a  big  thank  you  to  all  who  have  given  me kindness, listening, understanding and  laughter,  been  much  appreciated  at  times. Sending love to those who need it ,  especially  those in Gaza  in this present time 💚