Monday, 4 October 2021

Remember the Battle of Cable Street : No pasaran !

 

                                Detail from Cable Street Mural

 I have made a point of annually remembering that on this day 4th October, 1936, the Battle of Cable Street when Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists attempted to march through the predominately  Jewish section of East London, to be met by over 100,000 local residents and workers who fought with the fascists and the police  in order to protect their community, which forced the march to be abandoned.  The people of the East End inflicting a massive defeat on  Mosley’s British Union of Fascists that must never be forgotten. 
During this time Britain was facing very serious economic problems,  with a climate of mass unemployment and economic depression, and far right forces were intent on using this in order to exploit division and stir up hate. Oswald Mosley, a former member of Parliament known for his public speaking skills, founded the BUF in 1932, and within two years membership had grown to 50,000. Mosley's  fascists held vile anti-semitic views and tried to blame Jews for the cause of the country's problems. Throughout the mid 1930s, the BUF moved closer towards Hitler’s form of fascism with Mosley himself saying that “fascism can and will win in Britain”. The British fascists took on a more vehemently anti-Semitic stance, describing Jews as “rats and vermin from whitechapel” and tried to blame Jews for the cause of the country's problems. Mosley’s blackshirts had been harassing the sizeable Jewish population in the East End all through the 1930s. By 1936 anti-semitic assaults by fascists were growing and windows of Jewish-owned businesses were routinely smashed. Hurrah for the Blackshirts!’  The notorious Daily Mail headline is just one chilling indication of the very real threat Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists posed in the mid 1930s.

  
 As the fascist movement developed, so too did opposition to it. Led by Communists, socialists and trade unionists the anti-fascist movement grew, supported also by Liberals and some anti-fascist Tories.
However, those who interrupted fascist meetings found themselves dealing with unprecedented violence from Blackshirt thugs.
The notorious Olympia meeting of 7 June 1934 came to symbolise Blackshirt thuggery. After the Daily Worker posted the location of the West London meeting, a number of anti-fascists attended, intending to disrupt the meeting.
Hecklers were beaten by gangs of Blackshirts armed with knuckledusters and other weapons and thrown into the street. The BUF was roundly condemned by the mainstream and the violence of the meeting effectively ended Mosley’s pretence of respectability.
Whilst the first Jews came to Britain following the Norman Conquest of 1066, the Jewish community of London’s East End mainly comprised of families that had arrived between 1881 and 1914.
Many of these families settled in England after fleeing antisemitism and murderous pogroms in Russia, Poland and many other Eastern European countries. They followed previous waves of immigration that had brought Huguenots, Irish and other smaller groups into the area.
By the 1930s some 183,000 Jews lived in London, the majority in the East End due to cheaper rents. Stepney was home to some 60,000 Jews and the heart of Jewish East London.
With its reputation in tatters following Olympia and increasingly under the influence of Hitler, BUF leaders sought to exploit the reservoir of antisemitism in the East End in order to save the party.
By 1936 the BUF was pouring most of its resources into holding meetings in the East End and distributing crude antisemitica. Mob orators such as Mick Clarke and Owen Burke sought to whip up violence on street corners night after night.
As this approach gradually gained support in poor neighbouring areas such as Bethnal Green, Mosley announced he would celebrate the fourth birthday of the BUF by staging a provocative march through Stepney, the heart of the Jewish East End, on 4 October, 1936, following months of BUF meetings and leafleting in the area designed to intimidate Jewish people and break up the East End’s community solidarity. Political leaders in the East End petitioned the Home Secretary Sir John Simon to ban the march; however, their request was denied. On 2nd October, the Jewish People’s Council presented a second petition with 100,000 signatures to request that the march be banned on the grounds that the “avowed object of the Fascist movement in Great Britain is the incitement of malice and hatred against sections of the population.”   
Despite these efforts, the British government allowed the march to proceed as planned and assigned 7,000 members of the police force to accompany it. They were not to be welcomed, instead they were met by protestors, waving banners with slogans such as 'They shall not Pass'( no pasaron, famous republican slogan from the Spanish Civil War) , 'No Nazis here' and 'East End Unite.'  A huge force had assembled prepared to defend their streets and neighbourhoods and their right to live in them. 
Even though uniformed policemen on horseback were employed to allow Mosley's  march to pass through, anti-fascists blocked the route by barricading the street with rows of domestic furniture and the police were attacked with eggs, rotten fruit and the contents of peoples chamber pots. Local kids rolled marbles under police horses hooves. A mighty battle ensued,  with people seriously hurt on both sides. Eventually, the police ordered the fascists to disperse, but the Metropolitain Police had by now (correctly) been perceived as having protected the BUF and were turned upon by local residents.It now became a battle between the cops and the local population. It goes almost without saying that local people won that fight, with the police having to withdraw after having bowls of urine and faeces dumped on them by residents above, police horses being immobilised by thumbtacks [drawing pins] being littered all along the street, and officers being pulled off their horses, spat -- and even urinated -- upon and beaten up.
Cable Street  is rightly remembered because it saw thousands of people, from many walks of life, women, children, local jews, Irish groups, communists, socialists, anarchists standing firm as one in an incredible display of unity who worked together to prevent Mosley's fascists from marching through a Jewish area in London. Remembering too the support of the Jewish community in the dock strikes of 1912, Irish dockers stood in solidarity with Jews against the fascists, ripping up paving stones with pickaxes handles to add to the barricades.Together, they won a famous victory and put the skids under Britain’s first fascist mass movement.The  fascists did not get to march and they did not pass, and were left in humiliation so today we look back on this living history in celebration and pride.   
There is much to learn from the Battle of Cable Street about the power that individuals and groups wield in the face of intolerant policies and behaviours when they unite against racism and discrimination. Hopefully by engaging with this history, we can think critically about the choices made by the East End community and its allies in 1936 and then consider choices available to us as agents of change in the face of prejudice and discrimination in our society  and communities today.
Significantly, for some people that were involved in the protest, Cable Street was the road to Spain, and many would go on to volunteer as soldiers for the Republicans there.The legend that was Cable Street became the lasting inspiration for the continuing British fight against the fascism that was spreading all across Europe and would eventually engulf the planet in a terrible world war, the event also  launched movements for tenant rights, against economic injustice, and in defense of immigrants.
Commissioned in 1976 by the Tower Hamlets Arts Project, the artist Dave Binnington drawing inspiration from Spanish muralists and Picasso’s Guernica. Binnington after interviewing many local characters and includong them in the design, started painting a large mural commemorating the battle on the side wall of St George's Town Hall.  In 1982, the still uncompleted mural was vandalised with right-wing slogans, after which Binnington abandoned the project in disgust.  It was subsequently finished by Paul Butler, Ray Walker and Desmond Rochfort, and officially unveiled in 1983.  It has subsequently been vandalised, and repainted, several times. The mural depicts the events  of a very physical confrontation  between police and protestors  in stunning detail, anti-fascist protestors proudly carrying banners, punches being thrown, a barricade of furniture and an overturned vehicle across Cable Street manned by residents of all ages and ethnic backgrounds, a chamber pot being thrown under the hooves of horses being ridden  by baton-wielding police, and fascist  with a startling resemblance  to Adolf Hitler, looking very alarmed in just his underwear and socks.  The mural stands today as a powerful symbol of anti-fascism in the East End.
 

 There is much to learn from the Battle of Cable Street about the power that individuals and groups wield in the face of intolerant policies and behaviours when they unite against racism and discrimination. Hopefully by engaging with this history, we can think critically about the choices made by the East End community and its allies in 1936 and then consider choices available to us as agents of change in the face of prejudice and discrimination in our society  and communities today.
We might like to think those days are behind us, but anti-semitism, racism and intolerance  is on the rise. The foul winds that blew across Cable Street ago still exist today..Far Right and fascist groups are trying to grow again. We have to organise to stop them. Today and tomorrow we must still rally around the cry of No Pasaran - They shall not pass. 


W.H. Davies ( 3/7/1871 - 26/9/40 ) The Battle for Cable Street.

You ask me how I got like this, Sir
Well, I don't care to say
But I will tell you a little story
Of when I was in a big fray.

I'm not very well in my old age
And as I sits drinking my broth
My mind goes back to 1936
That Sunday,Otober the fourth.

I was walking down Bethnal Green Road, Sir
just walking about at my ease
When the strains of a famous old song, Sir
Came floating to me on the breeze.

I stoppe, I looked and listened
Now where have I heard that old song?
Then I dashed to the Salmon and Ball, Sir
I know I wouldn't go wrong.

It was the Intenationale they were singing
They were singing it with a defiant blast
And holding up a big banner
With these words: " THEY SHALL NOT PASS"

And we then marched on to the East End
They were five thousand of us , I am sure
And when we got to the Aldgate
We were met by three hundred thousand more.

'Red Front! Red Front! these workers cried
It was a sight I wouldn't have missed
To see these thousands of defiant workers
Holding up their Mighty Clenched Fist.

The police said 'Now move along please,
This is all we ask'
But we said 'No, not for those blackshirts
Those rotters THEY SHALL NOT PASS'

We then marched on to Stepney Green Sir
You could see that this fight was no sham
For there were thousands of and thousands of workers
Marching from Limehouse,Poplar, Stratford and East Ham.

You could see that Mosely wouldn't get through Sir
That our slogan that day was no boast
And I shouted 'Hip Hip hurrah'
And I saw our flag being tied to a lamp post

the children shouted from the windows "O, golly"
For Mosley, no one seemed sorry
But someone had the goodness
To lend us their two ton lorry

We got it over on its side Sir
It wasn't much of a strain
But the police kept knocking our barricade down
So we built the damn thing up again.

The police said we worked mighty fast
As with a hanky their faces they mopped
So we got out our big red banner
And stuck it right on the top.

The police then charged with their truncheons
They charged us, the working class
But they couldn't pinch our red banner
With these words THEY SHALL NOT PASS

I wish you had been there to see it
You would have said it was a ruddy fine feat
How we kept that old Red Flag flying
On those barricades of Cable Street.

So this is the end of my story
And I must get back to my broth
But I hope you will never forget Sir
It was Sunday October the fourth. 

 


Video Ghosts of Cable Street, set to the music of Men they couldn't hang


Cable Street - The Young 'Uns



On the fourth of October 1936
I was only a lad of sixteen.
But I stood beside men
Who were threescore and ten
And every age in between.

We were dockers and teachers,
Busmen, engineers,
And those with no jobs to do.
We were women and children
Equal in union — atheists, Christians, and Jews.

And we had so much to lose.

For with Hitler in Germany, Franco in Spain,
We knew what fascism meant.
So when Mosley came trouncing,
Denouncing the Jews,
To the East End of London we went.

For I’d met refugees, who had fled o’er the seas,
Germans, Italians, and Jews.
And I knew their despair
For what they’d seen there
And I couldn’t let them be abused.

We had so much to lose.

Now 3,000 fascists — their uniforms black —
Had set out to march on that day.
And 6,000 policemen
Intended to greet them
By making clear the way.

But we were there ready —
Our nerves they were steady —
One hundred thousand en masse.
And we planted our feet along Cable Street
And we sang: They shall not pass!

We sang: They shall not pass!

Then all us young lads,
We were sent to the side streets
To stop the police breaking through.
And with swift hands we made strong barricades
Out of anything we could use.

And they came to charge us,
But they couldn’t barge us,
With fists, batons, and hooves.
With as good as we got, we withstood the lot,
For we would not be moved.

We would not be moved.

And, yes, there was violence.
And, yes, there was blood.
And I saw things a lad shouldn’t see.
But I’ll not regret the day I stood
And London stood with me.

And when the news spread the day had been won
And Mosley was limping away —
There were shouts, there were cheers,
There were songs, there were tears,
And I hear them all to this day.

And we all swore then we’d stand up again
For as long as our legs could
And that when we were gone,
Our daughters and sons
Would stand where we stood.

Was the first time I’d heard two tiny words
Said by every woman and man.
Now I say them still
And I always will:
¡NO PASARÁN!

Lyrics and music  by Sean Conney 
 
 

Friday, 1 October 2021

George Cecil Ives and the Order of Chaeronea


George  Cecil Ives one of Britain’s first gay activists, was born on October 1, 1867 in Germany, the illegitimate son of an English army officer and a Spanish-Jewish baroness.. He was raised by his father’s mother, Emma Ives, and referred to her as his mother. Ives and his grandmother primarily resided in England at Bentworth Hall, or in the South of France. Ives was educated at home and at Magdalene College, Cambridge.
A self-described “evolutionary anarchist,” in around 1893, he founded a secret homosexual society, the Order of Chaeronea, the name taken from the town in ancient Greece where, in the late 19th century, the remains were found of an elite corps of 150 pairs of male lovers who died in 338 BC in a battle against Philip II of Macedon. The army of Alexander the Great and Philip II of Macedon  vanquished the one-hundred-fifty members of the Sacred Band of Thebes in this last battle before Greece was under the hegemony of the Macedonians.
Ives believed that since homosexuals were not accepted openly in society, they needed to have a means of underground communication. The Order’s rituals were based on the writings of Walt Whitman,https://teifidancer-teifidancer.blogspot.com/2017/05/happy-birthday-walt-whitman-legendary.html who Ives had met Whitman when he toured America in 1882. “I have the kiss of Walt Whitman still on my lips,” he later admitted. and the society took on issues beyond the realm of homosexuality, making efforts to reform laws affecting STDs, birth control, abortion and other repressive sex related statutes. The Order, which promoted what Ives referred to as "The Cause," soon attracted members worldwide.
According to Ives, the Order was to be "A Religion, A Theory of Life and Ideal of Duty", although its purpose was primarily political. Ives stressed that The Order was not to be a means for men to meet other men for sex, although he accepted a degree of ‘passionate sensuality’ could take place. He also believed that love and sex between men was a way to undermine the rigid class system, as a true form of democracy. The Secret Society became a worldwide organization, and Ives took advantage of every opportunity to spread the word about the “Cause.

In Ives’ words:

We believe in the glory of passion. We believe in the inspiration of emotion. We believe in the holiness of love. Now some in the world without have been asking as to our faith, and mostly we find that we have no answer for them. Scoffers there be, to whom we need not reply, and foolish ones to whom our words would convey no meaning. For what are words? Symbols of kindred comprehended conceptions, and like makes appeal to like.

It was brotherhood and the horizontal that he embedded in the Order of the Chaeronea in his relations with his fellow middle and upper middle class champions of the cause.In this he followed an established radical tradition of fraternity identifiable in French revolutionary rhetoric and the British Labour movement. Here though it was a more immediate and intimate idea of political fraternity, associated with the romantic socialism of Walt Whitman and his friend Edward  Carpenter https://teifidancer-teifidancer.blogspot.com/2019/08/edward-carpenter-2981844-2861929-loves.html. Though Ives was at the centre of the Order in terms of its foundation he also specifically structured it non-hierarchically, without Presidents. Vice presidents, committees and sub committees.
The ritual for joining the Order emphasised mutual responsibility, duty, loyalty and endurance. Such rhetoric is familiar in other modes of political organising but by being ritualised along almost Masonic lines Ives inculcated a sense of un-conditionality and permanence, which also brushed closely against notions of family. It helped to suggest less a voluntary allegiance but rather a pre existing bond of sexuality, a homosexual elite which Ives saw the ritual acknowledging rather than creating.
It is estimated that, under Ives, the society numbered about 300 participants,(including a few Lesbians) the same as the number of soldiers of the Sacred Band of Thebes.but no actual membership lists survive.
By 1897, Ives understood that the “Cause” would not be accepted openly in society,a time where  he was in danger of imprisonment for up to two years hard labour just for his sexuality.  and must therefore have a means of underground communication. Ives and other members dated letters and other materials based on this date, so that 1899 would be written as C2237. An elaborate system of rituals, ceremonies, a service of initiation, seals, codes, and passwords were used by the members.
The Order of Chaeronea was resurrected in the United States in the late 1990s and today has chapters in South Africa, France and the United Kingdom, as well.
In 1892 Ives met Oscar Wilde, at the Authors’ Club in London, who was attracted by his youthful good looks. Through Wilde, Ives met Lord Alfred (Bosie) Douglas, with whom he had a brief affair. Although Ives recruited both men to join his "Cause," neither chose to join him. Their acquaintance, however, did provide Ives with an important entry into the Victorian literary scene. Ives figured prominently in the published diaries of Oscar Wilde. Ives was also a friend  to Arthur Conan Doyle and was the basis of the fictional character, A. J. Raffles.
In 1914 Ives became a co-founder alongside Edward Carpenter, Lawrence Houseman and others of the British Society for the Study of Sex Psychology, which in 1931 became the British Sexological Society. Ives was the archivist for this society. whose papers are now housed at the Harry Ransom Center of the University of Texas at Austin. 
Ives was also a member of the Humanitarian League, a radical advocacy group, which operated between 1891 and 1919.
His diary which is about three million words long, most of them illegible, and it runs from 1886 to 1950 is at the Harry Ransom Humanities Research Centre in Austin, Texas.It’s a more or less daily record of his campaigning life, his home life, his friendships with Oscar Wilde, Laurence Housman and various other luminaries including his meeting with Radclyffe Hall, who he disliked.
Ives did not only fight for gay rights but also for prison reform and visited prisons across Europe and specialised in the study of the penal methods, particularly that of England. He lectured and published books on the topic.
In later life he developed eccentricities and developed a passion for melons, filling his house with them. And when the Second World War ended he allegedly refused to believe it and carried a gas mask with him everywhere until his death.
Throughout his life, Ives had many lovers whom he called his children, He took care of them, gve them money and bought them houses. He often lived with more than one lover at a time and some stayed with him for several years.
He died in London on the 4th of June, 1950  but was buried in the village of Bentworth, Hampshire.;His grave was tidied up by the  Voices for Heritage LGBT History Project in 2018 and a melon and flowers placed upon it, 
A true polymath, Ives thus had multiple careers as a poet, penal reformer, writer, gay rights activist and First-Class cricketer. He left  behind extensive diaries detailing his life which have become important sources of research for what life was like for LGBT individuals  during the nineteenth and early 20th centuries. 
Separate from his books, Ives made 45 volumes of scrapbooks. These scrapbooks included clippings on topics such as murders, theories of crime and punishment, psychology of gender, homosexuality, and cricket scores.
All in all Ive's lived a fascinating and interesting life who throughout his life Ives battled  to get pro-homosexuality laws passed. Although he did not live till 1967, when same-sex sexual activities became legal in England, but he was one of the earliest battlers. Considering the times that Ives lived in he was a true pioneer in what would pave the pathway to what we celebrate and take for granted today. .


Tuesday, 28 September 2021

Remembering the life of Indian Revolutionary and Freedom Fighter Bhagat Singh.

 

Today I remember the life of Indian revolutionary and freedom fighter Bhagat Singh. The day is marked as Bhagat Singh Jayanti and is celebrated all over India to remember his courageous sacrifice that ignited the spark of patriotism among countless people.
Bhagat Singh who would become popularly known as Shaheed-e-Azam Bhagat was born on September 28, 1907, in Banga village of Lyallpur district ,western Punjab, India  which is now in Pakistan to Kishan Singh and Vidyavati. At the time of his birth, his father Kishan Singh, uncles Ajit and Swaran Singh were in jail for demonstrations against the Colonization Bill implemented in 1906. His uncle, Sardar Ajit Singh, was a proponent of the movement and established the Indian Patriots' Association.
Bhagat Singh attended Dayanand Anglo Vedic High School, which was operated by Arva Samai (a reform sect of modern Hinduism), and then National College, both located in Lahore.
Bhagat Singh’s  Sikh family was politically active and were advocates of independence. His father and his uncles Ajit Singh and Schwann Singh were active in progressive politics, taking part in the agitation around the Canal Colonization Bill in 1907, and later the Ghadar Movement of 1914–1915. The presence of such revolutionary people at home had a profound impact on Bhagat Singh.
The Jallianwala Bagh massacre in 1919 at Armistar when he was only 12  after a large peaceful crowd had gathered to protest against the arrest of pro-Indian independence leaders Dr. Saifuddin Kitchlew and Dr. Satya Pal. in which in response to the public gathering, the British Brigadier-General R. E. H. Dyer surrounded the Bagh with his soldiers and ordered his troops to open fire on the nationalist meeting brutally killing hundreds  and  the violence against unarmed Akali protestors at Nankana Sahib  in 1921 also all left a huge impact on the young Bhagat Singh and as a result of decided to join the freedom struggle in the fight against colonialism
He joined the non-violence movement of Mahatma Gandhi.but felt disillusioned with Gandhi's idea of non-violence as the latter called off the non-cooperation movement which was started after the Jallianwala Bagh incident. and as he was attracted to Marxist ideologies and also influenced by Vladimir Lenin's Bolshevik Revolution in 1917.
In 1923, he joined the National College in Lahore, founded two years earlier by Lala Lajpat Rai in response to Mahatma Gandhi’s non-cooperation movement, which urged Indian students to shun schools and colleges subsidized by the British Indian government.
The following year Singh became a member of the Hindustan Republican Association, a revolutionary organization that believed in armed struggle against British colonial rule in India that was  started by Sachindranath Sanyal a year earlier. The main organizer of the Association was Chandra Shekhar Azad and Bhagat Singh became very close to him.
Initially, Bhagat Singh’s activities were limited to writing corrosive articles against the British Government, printing and distributing pamphlets outlining principles of a violent uprising, aimed at overthrowing the Government. Considering his influence on the youth, and his association with the Akali movement, he became a person of interest for the government.The police arrested him in a bombing case that took place in 1926 in Lahore. He was released 5 months later on a 60,000 rupees bond. 
In 1926, he founded the Naujawan Bharat Sabha, an organization that aimed to encourage revolution against British rule by rallying the peasants and workers.
He made contact with the ‘Workers and Peasants Party’ which brought out the monthly magazine Kirti in Punjabi. For the next year, Bhagat Singh worked on the editorial board of Kirti.
In 1928, he established the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association (HSRA) along with Sukhdev Thapar, Chandrashekhar Azad and others. However after Azad was shot dead in 1930.the HSRA collapsed.
Singh popularised the slogan "Inqilab Zindabad". which can be translated as “Long Live Revolution”  that became  one of the most famous slogans during the Indian freedom struggle. It was used by Shahid-e-Azam Bhagat Singh throughout his speeches and writings.The slogan was originally coined by the Urdu poet and Indian freedom fighter Maulana Hasrat Mohani in 1921. 
In October, 1928, the British government of India appointed the Simon Commission to enquire into the possibility of granting India the chance to rule itself. That this Commission had no Indian representative made it the focus of popular attack in Lahore. Lajpat Rai was at the head of a peaceful demonstration that was asking the Simon Commission to go back to England.
Despite the non-violent nature of the demonstration, the Superintendent of Police, James A Scott, ordered the police to use batons to disperse the protesters.and Lala Lajpat Rai sustained fatal injuries during the clash.The revolutionaries although great critics of Lajpat Rai and his politics, were determined to avenge his death. The Assistant Superintendent of Police, J.P. Saunders who is believed to have hit Lala Lajpat Rai directly, was assassinated by Bhagat Singh, and his associates Sukhdev Thapar and Shivaram Rajguru..
On the next day in Lahore, there were public notices put up in the name of the Indian Socialist Democratic Army. One such notice declared, 'We regret having killed a human being but this man was a part of that unmerciful and unjust system that must be destroyed... Sometimes it is important to shed blood for a Revolution. The Revolution we envisage is one where the exploitation of man by man will finish... Inquilab Zindabad.'
The murder was condemned as a retrograde action by Mahatma Gandhi, but Jawaharlal Nehru  later wrote:
Bhagat Singh did not become popular because of his act of terrorism but because he seemed to vindicate, for the moment, the honor of Lala Lajpat Rai, and through him of the nation. He became a symbol, the act was forgotten, the symbol remained, and within a few months each town and village of Punjab, and to a lesser extent in the rest of northern India, resounded with his name. Innumerable songs grew about him and the popularity that the man achieved was something amazing.”
In March 1928, the government introduced the Public Safely Bill in the Legislative Assembly. The Indian members rejected the Bill and in 1929, the Viceroy attempted to pass it as an ordinance. The Naujawan Bharat Sabha passed resolutions opposing this and the Trade Dispute Bill and it finally decided to intervene directly. On 8th April, 1929, Bhagat Singh and B.K. Dutt threw a small explosive in the Assembly and stayed in the visitors' gallery till they were arrested. On 7th May, Bhagat Singh's trial began and in the statement made in court on 6th June, Bhagat Singh and B.K. Dutt, representing the HSRA declared, 'we dropped the bomb on the floor of the Assembly Chamber to register our protest on behalf of those who had no other means left to give expression to their heart-rending agony. Our sole purpose was to make the deaf hear and to give the heedless a timely warning... from under the seeming stillness of the sea of humanity, a veritable storm is about to break out
On the 12th June, Bhagat Singh whose revolutionary ideas were becoming immensely popular during the freedom struggle, and seen as a threat by the empire, was sentenced to transportation in the Assembly Bomb case.
Singh considered  himself a political prisoner along with others, noted the discrimination between the European and the Indian prisoners. The political prisoners demanded equality in food standards, clothing, toiletries, and other hygienic necessities, as well as access to books and a daily newspaper.
 Singh along with other prisoners underwent a hunger strike. Failed attempts were made to break the strike by the government. With the nationwide popularity of the hunger strike, the government decided to advance the Lahore Conspiracy Case and Singh was transported to Bostal Jail in Lahore and the trial needless to say, which was one-sided started on 10 July 1929 and ended on the 7th of October, 1930 with a death sentence which was widely opposed and many attempts were made to challenge the decision.
When Bhagat Singh’s mother went to visit him in jail, he was believed to be laughing loudly. Everyone around him was shocked. Most of them considered that he was close to death. Reports suggest that the revolutionary leader was smiling  when he was was hanged along with his comrades Sukhdev Thapar and Shivaram Rajguru on March 23, 1931, at the age of 23 and it is said that the trio proceeded quite cheerfully towards the gallows while chanting their favourite slogans like “Inquilab Zindabad” and “Down with British Imperialism”. Singh and his peers were cremated at Hussainiwala on the banks of Sutlej River.
Despite his short life, Bhagat Singh's death had the effect that he desired and he inspired thousands of youths to assist the reminder of the Indian Independence movement. After his hanging, youths in regions around Northern India rioted in protest against the British Raj and also against the indifference of the congress. To this day he is revered by many as a symbol of resistance to British colonialism in India, and his example continues to inspire new generations of activists worldwide.  
Apart from being a freedom fighter,participating in various acts of resistance against British rule in India. Bhagat Singh was also a great speaker, reader, writer and journalist.for Punjabi and Urdu language newspapers. He was moulded and guided by not only the political situation in India but also by the situation in Asia, Europe and America. The Russian revolution and Marxist writings and literature on the Soviet Union captured his imagination when he was in his teens. By the time he was 20, Bhagat Singh had devoured books on the theories of socialism, economics and revolution in European countries.
According to historian J.N. Sanyal, Bhagat Singh was an extremely well-read man and his special sphere of study was socialism and the economic experiment in Russia under the Bolshevik regime that  greatly interested him.But he was equally alive to the importance of national language and literature in bringing about an awakening and national integration among the masses.
Although he often quoted from the writings of Guru Gobind Singh, Swami Ram Tirath and Swami Vivekananda, Bhagat Singh was totally against using religion for political ends. He believed that the failure of earlier revolutionaries lay in their divided loyalty to their nation and their religion.An atheist as well as being a socialist, Bhagat Singh was also attracted to communist and anarchist causes.
He wrote a series of articles on anarchism, wanting to fight against mainstream misconceptions of the word in the Punjabi periodical Kirti  and explainrd his interest in anarchist ideology and express his concern over misunderstanding of the concept of anarchism among the public. Singh tried to eradicate the misconception among people about anarchism. He wrote, “The people are scared of the word anarchism. The word anarchism has been abused so much that even in India revolutionaries have been called anarchist to make them unpopular.” As anarchism means absence of ruler and abolition of state, not absence of order, Singh explained, “I think in India the idea of universal brotherhood, the Sanskrit sentence vasudhaiva kutumbakam etc., has the same meaning.” He wrote about the growth of anarchism,”the first man to explicitly propagate the theory of Anarchism was Proudhon and that is why he is called the founder of Anarchism. After him a Russian, Bakunin, worked hard to spread the doctrine. He was followed by Prince Kropotkin etc.
Singh explained anarchism by writing :
The ultimate goal of Anarchism is complete independence, according to which no one will be obsessed with God or religion, nor will anybody be crazy for money or other worldly desires. There will be no chains on the body or control by the state. This means that they want to eliminate: the Church, God and Religion; the state; Private property.
In ‘To Young Political Workers,’ his last testament before his death, he called for a “socialist order” and a reconstruction of society on a “new, i.e, Marxist basis.” He considered the government “a weapon in the hand of the ruling class”, which is reflected in his belief that Gandhian philosophy only meant the “replacement of one set of exploiters for another.
Bhagat Singh is often admired and celebrated for his dedication to the cause of liberation. However his socialist, communist and anarchist beliefs were suppressed by the successive governments in Independent India, who saw a revolutionary who had the potential to inspire, unite and motivate the growing population of a spectrum of activists all over India, in direct response to the fast-spreading divisiveness and intolerance in the country, often patronised by the groups and organizations professing a right-wing fascist ideology.
Writing the introduction to Bhagat Singh’s remarkable essay Why I am an Atheist in 1979,the late Bipan Chandra described the Marxist leaning of Bhagat Singh and his associates in the following way; “Bhagat Singh was not only one of India’s greatest freedom fighters and revolutionary socialists, but also one of its early Marxist thinkers and ideologues. Unfortunately, this last aspect is relatively unknown with the result that all sorts of reactionaries, obscurantists and communalists have been wrongly and dishonestly trying to utilise for their own politics and ideologies the name and fame of Bhagat Singh and his comrades such as Chandra Shekhar Azad.”
Bhagat Singh’s dreams of a new social order live on, not just in his writings, but also reflected in the hearts of every activist, protester, and dissenting citizen.The fight for freedom,revolution, Inquilabmay have changed in meaning, but it is far from over. Bhagat Singh remains  one of the most influential, revolutionary figures in the Indian history and continues to serve as a tremendous source of inspiration for every generation.
The inspiration that Bhagat Singh still ignites within the soul of Indians can be felt in the popularity of the films and theatrical adaptations on his life. Several films like “Shaheed” (1965) and “The Legend of Bhagat Singh” (2002) were made on the life of 23-year old revolutionary. Popular songs like the “Mohe rang de basanti chola” and “Sarfaroshiki Tamanna” associated with Bhagat Singh are still relevant in inspiring patriotic emotions in the Indians. Numerous books, articles and papers have been written about his life, ideologies and legacy. 

“They may kill me, but they cannot kill my ideas. They can crush my body, but they will not be able to crush my spirit.”
 
"Revolution is an inalienable right of mankind. Freedom is an imperishable birthright of all. Labour is the real sustainer of society"
 
- Shaheed Bhagat Singh

Friday, 24 September 2021

Stop the Tories cut to Universal Credit


In just 2 weeks the Tory government plans to cut Universal credit by £20 per week. at a time when energy bils and the cost of living are soaring,and we approach the colder months it is unthinkable for the Torys government to go ahead with cuts that would decimate the incomes of  tens of thousands of ordinary folk across the land who are already finding it hard to to heat their homes or give their family a substantial meal  There appears to be a total lack of compassion at the heart of Government.
But does this really come as a surprise, Bojo Johnson has golden wallpaper, Rishi Sunak has a new swimming pool, Dominic Rabb and Liz Truss are fighting over the use of a large mansion, contemptible politicians who could lose several £20 notes on the back seat of the taxi they charge to the taxpayer and never notice a difference. Fighting against the backdrop of increasing food shortages, child poverty, hike in taxes, and a pandemic, people worried about heating their homes this winter or buy a Christmas dinner because their benefits  have been  cut,.
The UK is already suffering from a growing Tory poverty crisis, with the worst levels of poverty and inequality of any country in north west Europe - and the highest levels of in-work poverty this century as a direct result of Tory cuts, tax hikes and the cost of Brexit.This planned cut to Universal Credit which is the biggest overnight cut to the basic rate of social security since WW2. The Fabian society estimated in February that removing this amount “will put 700,000 people into poverty”, hitting particularly hard those households with a disabled adult, carers, and families with children. and will  see the most vulnerable in our society, who are already under constant pressure pushed to breaking point. 
 Let's not forget  in the first place that the £20 uplift to Universal Credit was not a handy boost to benefit rates, but a recognition that previous levels were simply inadequate. To remove it would result in the biggest cut to the basic rate of social security since the birth of the modern welfare state.
When it comes down to this kind of money, it’s the difference between moving through a day with relative ease and stacking stress on top of stressed foundations. On low incomes, everything becomes more difficult and more tiring; every setback more defeating; every comfortable option costly. It is not so much skimming the cream but taking away a ladleful of what makes already pared down lives more possible.
When people are so down to the wire, it’s unnecessarily cruel to strip it away further. How can any family in such a situation save for a rainy day, when it rains every day, and there’s absolutely no money to spare? 
The cut is also likely to widen inequality in health and wellbeing and runs counter to government’s commitment to levelling up health, At at a time when people are already stressed by growing debts and lower income, it will only serve to add to rising rates of mental illness. We have already seen a dramatic increase in the need for food banks due to the coronavirus crisis and the end of the uplift would increase demand significantly. As an increasing number of people struggle to manage essential household bills  taking away £20 per week would make this situation much worse
This cut is illogical, because at a time of fragile economic recovery, when high streets up and down the country are struggling and shops are closing, it makes no sense to be taking millions of pounds of expenditure out of every single consttuency in the country. And this cut is unnecessary, because it is a political choice.
Coming in the autumn, the timing of these cuts exposes the callousness of the UK Government, piling further misery of those already battling to survive,.the £20 uplift in Universal Credit which has kept so many people afloat is being cruelly ripped away by a party driven by its ideological animosity towards working class people. No reshuffling of Boris Johnson’s cabinet of millionaires will mask the sheer cruelty that seems to be the cornerstone of this rotten government.
From an economic perspective this will end up more expensive in the long run. Already over-stretched health and care services will have to foot the bill for providing support for the consequences of pushing more families into a state of despair. Poverty simply wastes and destroys lives. £20 a week makes all the difference to those on the lowest incomes, many of whom are already working all the hours they can but simply cannot make ends meet.
 These are the same people who have been at the frontline of the coronavirus pandemic: social care workers, shop workers, childcare workers, delivery drivers, hospital porters, bus drivers and others. This is no way to treat those who have seen us through the greatest crisis since the Second World War.
The Chancellor, himself a multi-millionaire, says the uplift was only ever temporary. What we know is that its removal will deliver a crushing blow to the long-term detriment of millions of people for many years to come.
The Government may not view £20 per week to be a large amount of money for those who need additional income to get by, but the reality is that the £20 could be keeping the heads of an individual or a family above water. We must continue to put pressure on the government not to cut universal credit. and instead make the £20 Universal Credit uplift permanent and extend it to those on' legacy' benefits, as part of a wider package of measures to protect household incomes. We must keep this essential lifeline, people will unnecessarily struggle without it. Please email your MP now.
 

 and please also sign too the following petition.


Wednesday, 22 September 2021

BBC Radio Ballads : The Travelling People


Broadcast on 17 April 1964, The Travelling People radio ballad took as its subject the gypsy and tinker population of Britain.Originally produced for the BBC, each one-hour radio-ballad consisted of recorded actuality from members of the public, a script and songs made by Ewan MacColl, musical arrangments and direction by Peggy Seeger, production and editing by Charles Parker, musical participation by singers and instrumentalists and ingenious procedures innovated by BBC technicians. The final programs were tapestries of speech, sound and song and were considered revolutionary for their time. They opened up new vistas and techniques for radio documentaries and many of Ewan MacColl's most popular songs were made for them. MacColl’s songs The Travelling People and Moving on was so true to their lives that it was taken up by travellers and absorbed into their repertoire#
The bulk of the recording fell to  MacColl and Seeger, who were already familiar with traveller families from earlier collecting sessions. They spent almost a month in tents, kitchens and caravans, at horse fairs and around campfires in Glasgow, Blairgowrie, Montrose and Aberdeen, Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire, Birmingham, London, Hampshire and Dorset. The travellers were natural subjects with their rich folk life, songs, legends and inborn gift for storytelling; they were also a fascinating social study, maintaining fierce pride and independence in the face of constant hostility and persecution. 
Originally produced for the BBC, each one-hour radio-ballad consisted of recorded actuality from members of the public, a script and songs made by Ewan MacColl, musical arrangments and direction by Peggy Seeger, production and editing by Charles Parker, musical participation by singers and instrumentalists and ingenious procedures innovated by BBC technicians. The final programs were tapestries of speech, sound and song and were considered revolutionary for their time. They opened up new vistas and techniques for radio documentaries and many of Ewan MacColl's most popular songs were made for them. MacColl’s songs The Travelling People and Moving on was so true to their lives that it was taken up by travellers and absorbed into their repertoire.
A phenomenal  timeless piece of work The Travelling People is an examination of the Romany people in Britain, it serves mostly as a condemnation of attitudes toward them and their nomadic lifestyle, which, as reflected in many of the soundbites, were not complimentary. People simply didn't want them around, calling them "tinkers" and things much worse, as "I Mean, We're Fed Up With Gypsies Living in Our Area" highlights, with the incident of a woman about to give birth being moved on by the police. The attitudes were reflected in other ways too, like the boy who spent several years in the same grade without being taught to read or write, because, the teacher explained, "he's the best message boy I've ever had." But this programme did  more than simply look at the negatives. It examined the life of the gypsies, the way they'd settle in the winter time, or how traveling was part of their nature. MacColl's songs are among the finest he wrote for the radio ballad series, and the accompaniment is richer and fuller than before, and the singers,, people like Belle Stewart, Joe Heaney, and Jane Stewart,  serve the material brilliantly. They become integrated into the whole program , that's intelligently fashioned to bring out a whole picture, one which is sympathetic to the travelers, but also allows for opposing views. The listener comes away educated, and also humbled by the quiet pride of these people. 
 Mac Coll’s songs The Travelling People and Moving on was so true to their lives that it was taken up by travellers and absorbed into their repertoire. Meanwhile however the plight of the travellers a  people who live on the margins of our society who are still treated with suspicion to this day by the rest of the population. and persecuted around the world and still subject to discrimination in modern day Europe.
They are now house-bound, stuck in the worst part of our housing estates, but still suffering all the jibes that their ancestors did. Traditional stopping places  have became harder to find and travellers find themselves increasingly pitched against the interests of the settled population and land owners. Their persecution has become virtually normalised by the failure of central and local government to enforce their rights and protect them. Sadly, many countries in Europe still use their difference in culture as an excuse to systemically oppress them. Many public programs turn away members of the travelling community from health care, employment, housing, and other social services.
In addition to this for around two decades, from the late ’60s to the ’80s, councils were required by law to provide sites for Gypsies and travellers. Some councils complied with the law. Many didn’t, and carried on as if the law of the land was irrelevant. And in the weeks before the general election, dozens of Tory candidates shamelessly made “inflammatory and discriminatory statements about Gypsies, Roma and Travellers” as a vote-catcher, promising action against local traveller camps, according to research and campaign group OpenDemocracy.
The modern history of travelling people in Britain is one of discrimination and persecution enshrined in law. The Travelling People may be over 40 years old but its message is as punchy as ever,
Nevertheless, these proud  people, descendants from Romany migrants who migrated from  Europe to the shores of Britain from the latter half of the sixteenth century are difficult to completely erase, and the ancient lifestyle survives to this day, a history of endurance and resilience, We must continue to support their right to live  as they choose, opposing all forms of prejudice and discrimination and prejudice  inflicted upon them.and allow them to be given the respect and tolerance that they  truly deserve.

Saturday, 18 September 2021

Daydreaming


Beyond capricious government, wars of attrition
Arguments that arraign and rearrest the soul,
Find ascension in the land of dream
Where rainbows quiver with radiant glow,
Far from the spinning world of confusion
Receding and dissolving any pain within,
Upon seas of tranquility, clouds of safety
My heart wanders and freely roams,
The mountain paths shadow the calmness
Allow raging thoughts to find composure,
Against intolerance, grains of misunderstanding
Here at least, everything pulls into place,
Truth is found on sloping borders
As golden light dances upon leaves,
Slow beats of  transformation thunder
Rustle up some passionate fire,
Peaceful rivulets restore and deliver
A distant red headed lover to my side,
Our eyes smiling at one another
We kiss, soar high on iridescent sky.

Wednesday, 15 September 2021

Remembering the Racial Injustice of 1963, Birmingham Church Bombings.

 

On September 15, 1963, a dynamite bomb exploded , blowing apart the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, Alabama. .Four young girls who were getting ready for Sunday School were killed almost instantly.
This cowardly, cold, calculating event should not be forgotten that saw Addie Mae Collins (14) Denise McNair (11), Carole Robertson (14), and Cynthia Wesley (14) killed in an act of racially motivated terrorism, as a result of a bomb placed under the church by members of the Ku Klux Klan. Twenty-two others, including Collins' younger sister Sarah, were injured.Showing clearly to the world the heart of racial injustice and hatred that today shockingly has not disapeared. In the months leading up to the bombing, Birmingham had become the focal point of the civil rights front. The city was all too familiar with racial violence. Both African Americans and moderate whites had been long terrorized by the Klan. This is  just one part of the landscape of America  that should not be forgotten.
The Church itself was the 16th Street Baptist Church and was designed by the State of Alabama 's only black Architect and was finished in 1911. The church was a large part of a heavily segregated in arguably one of the most racist towns in America. Birmingham had no colored Police officers of Firefighters and very few blacks could vote. The Church was very significant. The Church, besides having mass meetings of the local black community and holding various events was also a Rally point for the Civil Rights community.  
Immediately after the bombing, violence surged throughout the city as police clashed with enraged members of the Black community. Before the day ended, at least two other African American children had been slain: 16-year-old Johnny Robinson was shot by police as he fled down an alley, and 13-year-old Virgil Ware was shot and killed by white youths while riding his bicycle.
In the aftermath Civil Rights activists blamed George Wallace, the Governor of Alabama, for the killings.Only a week before the bombing Wallace had told the New York Times that to stop the civil rights movement and the march towards integration Alabama needed a 'few first-class funerals.'
Birmingham, a violent city, was nicknamed 'Bombingham, because it had been the scene of more than 50 bombings between 1947 and 1963. This bombing, however, would not go unnoticed. The murderous event awakened the nation and effectively galvanized the civil rights movement.
Years earlier, Birmingham minister Fred L. Shuttlesworth founded the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights (ACMHR) to directly confront racism and segregation in the city. In the spring of 1963, Shuttlesworth's group joined forces with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and his Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), the largest and best known organization fighting for equal rights at the time. Together, the men formulated a plan that called for months-long protests to end segregation in Birmingham.
In May of that year, after weeks of marches, sit-ins, boycotts, bus strikes, and prayer vigils, an agreement was reached. It had the input of local government leaders, white business owners, African American leaders and civil rights groups. The city would actively begin working toward integration. The agreement did not sit well with segregationists, among the most violent of which was the notorious KKK.
Civil Rights activists blamed George Wallace, the Governor of Alabama, for the killings.Only a week before the bombing Wallace had told the New York Times that to stop the civil rights movement and the march towards integration Alabama needed a 'few first-class funerals.'
Though Birmingham’s white supremacists were immediately suspected in the bombing, repeated calls for the perpetrators to be brought to justice went unanswered for more than a decade. It was later revealed that the FBI had information concerning the identity of the bombers by 1965 and did nothing. In 1977, Alabama Attorney General Bob Baxley reopened the investigation and Klan leader Robert E. Chambliss was brought to trial for the bombings and convicted of murder. Continuing to maintain his innocence, Chambliss died in prison in 1985. The case was again reopened in 1980, 1988 and 1997, when two other former Klan members, Thomas Blanton and Bobby Frank Cherry, were finally brought to trial; Blanton was convicted in 2001 and Cherry in 2002. A fourth suspect, Herman Frank Cash, died in 1994 before he could be brought to trial. To this day, the perpetrators of the bombing still remain a mystery
The 16th Street Baptist Church bombing is cited by many historians as the turning point in the civil rights movement. An editorial in the Milwaukee Sentinel said the bombing should “ continue to serve to goad the conscience” of the country. “The deaths...in a sense are on the hands of each of us.
We should always keep in mind that the four girls who died, while immortalized in history, were children with children's dreams. Carol Robertson was a straight A student who loved to dance. Cynthia Wesley excelled in math. Addie Mae Collins was quiet, athletic, and had a flare for art. Denise McNair wrote plays for the kids in her neighborhood.
History is not scripted. In the case of the 16th Street Baptist Church bombing it was shaped out of racist hatred that ended the lives of four young girls.

Services for Victim of Birmingham Church Bombing

The following Alabama was written by John Coltrane in response to the racially-driven bombings which took place in Birmingham, Alabama in 1963. It features a melancholy melody, a much slower tempo than many of Coltrane’s songs, and a hauntingly sorrowful tone from Coltrane’s saxophone. These aspects not only capture the tragedy and sorrow of the Birmingham event, but of the human injustice that ignited the civil rights movement.
 
 
 “Alabama,” among other politically motivated songs, remains known as an anthem of a kind for the Civil Rights Movement. Not an anthem that was sung during protests or at speeches by Civil Rights leaders, but that was heard on the radio and sparked a remembrance for the four girls who lost their lives in Birmingham in 1963. The piece was released on the album Live In Birdland in 1964.
 It is said that Coltrane was motivated by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s eulogy for the girls In his eulogy, King stated, “These children, unoffending, innocent and beautiful, were the victims of one of the most vicious and tragic crimes ever perpetrated against humanity…They did not die in vain. God still has a way of bringing good out of evil.” 
This video, featuring King’s eulogy, also shows clips from the aftermath of the Charleston church shooting from 2015, which has evocative parallels to the 1963 Birmingham bombing. We  must remember and continue to stand against racial injustice wherever it occurs.:


Sunday, 12 September 2021

Let Robeson Sing - Manic Street Preachers



Let Robeson Sing  is a song by Welsh alternative rock  band the Manic Street Preachers that was released twenty years ago this month on September 10th in tribute to the black American actor, singer and civil rights campaigner Paul Robeson. It was the fourth single to be released from their record Know Your Enemy.It shares its title with a book by Phil Cope published by the National Library of Wales in 2001, with a reprint being published in 2008. The record also featured a cover of Didn’t My Lord Deliver Daniel on the B-side
The Manics have long been famous for the meaningful and political nature of many of their songs, The title of their fifth album, 1998's This Is Mt Truth Tell Me Yours lifted a quotation taken from a speech given by Labour party politician Aneurin Bevanhttps://teifidancer-teifidancer.blogspot.com/2019/11/happy-birthday-aneurin-bevan-15.html . That albums track If  You Tolerate This Your Children Will Be Next took ts title from a Spanish Civil War poster.https://teifidancer-teifidancer.blogspot.com/2020/08/if-you-tolerate-this-your-children-will.html
Paul Robeson  has been described as one of the Unites States’ greatest musicians, scholars, athletes, actors, and activists of the 20th century. Certainly, Paul Robeson’s fame on the football field, on the concert and theatre stage, in film, and through his own scholarship and activism reached around the world. T
Robeson was born in 1898 in Princeton, New Jersey, to Maria and Reverend William Robeson, an escaped slave and Union veteran. This was just two years after the Supreme Court upheld racial segregation. Robeson grew up during a period of overt racism, confronted by continual racist abuse,but always managed to rise above it and went on to achieve much success at every level of his life.Not only was he an exceptional athlete, cultural scholar, a polyglot who spoke over a dozen languages, actor and singer, he was also a man dedicated to the causes of freedom and social justice, as a fearless political activist he was hounded and persecuted in the U.S for his opinions.
Robeson earned a scholarship to Rutgers University, where being selected for the College Football All-American team in 1918 and 1919 was among his many accomplishments. In 1923, he graduated from Columbia University with a law degree, but while financing his education he played football professionally and joined a theatre company that traveled to Britain. Encountering the intense racial divides that limited his ability to practice law at the level which he desired, Robeson took his life in a more professionally artistic direction by acting in theatre, later on screen, and eventually as a musician. After moving to London for almost a decade, he began to further his interest in ethnomusicology, African culture, and politics. By the mid-1930s Robeson had fully integrated these interests into his art. Not long after, Paul Robeson began very actively to participate politically in issues of labor rights, anti-colonialism, and human rights, specifically in such political debates as Welsh unionization, British decolonization, the Spanish Civil War, and ultimately the griping violation of human rights occurring in the United States. It was during his travels in Europe that Robeson became a socialist.
Paul Robeson is regarded as one the greatest U.S. vocalists, actors, and civil and labor rights leaders. He holds the record for the longest running Shakespeare play on Broadway. He was a member of an NFL championship team as well as the 1918 and 1919 All-American college football teams (Harris 1998). He held a key to the city of Boston, three honorary doctorates, and a law degree from Columbia (Ramdin 1987). In the early 1940s, Robeson was considered one of the greatest African Americans alive, yet not ten years later, he was classified as one of the greatest “un-Americans.”
People like Robeson who refused to abandon his socialist beliefs began to be regarded with suspicion.  In a speech to the World Partisans for Peace Congress in Paris in April 1949, he stated that he didn’t believe African Americans should, or would, fight against the Soviet Union—a country which treated him, his people, and other minorities immeasurably better than America did. This speech was distorted by the American press as they ramped up anti-Communist sentiment. And, by the time Robeson returned to his country that summer, he had become a public enemy.
It was in this atmosphere that Robeson traveled to Peekskill to sing on August 27. Encouraged by the press, local militia attacked the organizers and the audience before the concert was due to start, forcing it to be cancelled. Robeson returned to New York and announced at a press conference that he would be back to sing for racial equality and peaceful relations with the Soviet Union.
Another issue Robeson faced was that of antisemitism. His wife was part-Jewish, his son had married a Jewish woman two months earlier, and Paul himself was already a strong lover of Jewish culture, to the extent that two of the many languages he spoke fluently were Hebrew and Yiddish. 
The concert went ahead on September 4, and labor unions had organized a protective guard of a few thousand trade unionists to encircle the 20,000-strong crowd. This included about a dozen guards around Robeson on stage, to shield him from any prospective sniper’s bullet. After his set, he was immediately spirited away. 
But, as audience members left, they were led by the police into an ambush, where the local militia lay in wait to attack them. Dozens of cars were damaged, and 135 people were injured, including one Black man who lost an eye. Yet again, the mainstream press reported the incident as violence initiated by Blacks, Communists, and Jewish supporters of the un-American Paul Robeson.
Another sad, striking irony here is that only two years previously, Robeson had recorded these words, to great acclaim, describing America as: "The house I live in, my neighbors, white and black / The people who just came here, or from generations back . . . The man who penned these lyrics was Abel Meeropol, writing under the alias of Lewis Allen, presumably in order to deflect attention from his Jewish heritage, his membership in the Communist Party, and to protect his position as a school teacher.

.
 Robeson himself refused to hide behind anything or anybody. When a member of the House Committee on Un-American Activities (known as HUAC) asked at his hearing in June 1956 if he had once been known by the name of John Thomas, he retorted, “My name is Paul Robeson, and anything I have to say, I have said in public all over the world, and that is why I am here today.” 
In June 1946, Robeson gave a speech at Madison Square Garden which showed why he was such a threat to the Establishment:
A day or two ago, Mr. Bevin, the British Foreign Minister said . . . ‘If we do not want to have total war, we must have total peace.’ For once, I agree with him,” Robeson told the audience. “But Mr. Bevin must be totally blind if he cannot see that the absence of peace in the world is due precisely to the efforts of the British, American, and other imperialist powers to maintain their control over the peoples of Asia, the Middle East, Europe, and Africa.
As true today as they were then, such words demonstrate why Robeson’s voice, like his rendition of The House I Live In, can be considered to be the soundtrack to a lost opportunity. It is the opportunity to hear and heed messages of truth, peace, and justice such as he delivered through his art, a weapon in defense of all the oppressed people on Earth.
In 1950 Robeson's passport was withdrawn on the grounds that his right to travel was against American interests. Robeson would challenge this ban in the courts for eight years; meanwhile a campaign on his behalf was spearheaded in Britain by trades unions, artists and the Left.
With independence movements growing across the globe, MI5 were adamant that even if Robeson were allowed to travel he must be banned from the UK: "He is convinced that he has a mission to lead oppressed negroes and colonial peoples everywhere. He is a fanatical communist and intensely ambitious" [Internal memo, 13 July 1951; National Archives: KV/2/1829].
MI5 regarded the campaigners as Moscow's dupes or worse ["Plenty of thought has been given to the problem of getting suitable persons to wring tears from the Home Office on Robeson's behalf"] but support was intense and widespread.
In 1957, unable to accept countless invitations to perform abroad, Paul Robeson sang for audiences in London and Wales via the transatlantic telephone cable: "We have to learn the hard way that there is another way to sing".
Finally - in June 1958 - the Supreme Court ruled that it was unconstitutional to deny a US passport on political grounds. The following month Robeson flew to London [Passport no.1145187]. In an intense few months, he sang to millions on television and radio; he became the first lay person - and the first non-White - to take the pulpit in St Paul's Cathedral; he revisited the USSR; and he prepared 'Othello'.
Having been blacklisted, Robeson’s passport was revoked during the McCarthyism era for his firm and outspoken Antifascist stance on social issues such as labor exploitation and racism. Before, after, and during (via mail correspondence) this period Robeson developed a widespread international influence through singing, acting, and speaking in areas such as Spain, the Soviet Union, Germany, and the United Kingdom.
Beyond any of the international relationships he formed, his bond with Wales and the Welsh people was the strongest. He developed a special bond with Wales and its people because he recognised a culture  built  around the values of community, work and church and a musical tradition born out of struggle and oppression. He also saw parallels  between the exploitation of black people in the United States and that of the Welsh coal miner..
Robeson’s association with South Wales dates from 1928 when, whilst performing in ‘Show Boat’ in London’s West End, he met a group of unemployed miners”who had walked to London from the Rhondda valley to draw attention to the hardship and suffering endured by thousands of unemployed miners and their families in South Wales. He marched and sang with them, then gave them the money for their train fare home, he recognised a shared suffering, and a mutual bond was born.


Robeson visited South Wales many times between 1929 and 1939, singing in various towns including Cardiff, Neath and Swansea. In 1938, he sang to the 7,000 people who attended the Welsh International Brigades Memorial at Mountain Ash to commemorate the 33 Welshmen who had died in Spain. He addressed the audience thus :- 'I am here because I know these brave fellows fought not only because I know these brave fellows fought not only for me but for the freedom of the people of the whole world, I feel it's my duty to be here.'
Robeson’s links with South Wales were reinforced when in 1939, he starred in The Proud Valley, a film about life in a mining community in the Rhondda. He starred as a Black American coal miner and singer  named David Goliath who gets a job there and joins a male voice choir.It documents the harsh realities of coal miners' lives, which Goliath shares. He becomes a hero as he helps to better their working conditions, and ultimately, during a mining accident, sacrifices himself to save fellow miners. One of the most iconic parts of the film occurs when he encounters racism from a fellow miner who refuses to work alongside a black man. This is quickly challenged by a Welsh miner who leaps to David's defence with the fantastic line: "Damn it, well aren't we all black down the mine?" also said it was the “first time he felt human dignity” because of the lack of racial prejudice.He was once recorded as saying about Wales: “It was there I first understood the struggles of white and negro together – when I went down into the coal mine in the Rhondda Valley, lived amongst them.


Every year between 1952 and 1957, Robeson was invited to sing at the Miners' Eisteddfod in Porthcawl but he was unable to travel because n 1950 Robeson's passport was withdrawn on the grounds that his right to travel was against American interests. Robeson would challenge this ban in the courts for eight years; meanwhile outrage ensured  with a campaign on his behalf Let Robeson Sing spearheaded in Britain by trades unions, artists and the Left.
With independence movements growing across the globe, MI5 were adamant that even if Robeson were allowed to travel he must be banned from the UK: "He is convinced that he has a mission to lead oppressed negroes and colonial peoples everywhere. He is a fanatical communist and intensely ambitious" [Internal memo, 13 July 1951; National Archives: KV/2/1829].
MI5 regarded the campaigners as Moscow's dupes or worse ["Plenty of thought has been given to the problem of getting suitable persons to wring tears from the Home Office on Robeson's behalf"] but support was intense and widespread.
In October 1957,  however Robeson was able to participate in the Miners’ Eisteddfod by means of a transatlantic telephone link to a secret recording studio in New York.unable to accept countless invitations to perform abroad, Paul Robeson sang for audiences in London and Wales via the transatlantic telephone cable: "We have to learn the hard way that there is another way to sing".
This occasion  was an  important gesture of international solidarity with Robeson, a fierce critic of American capitalism and imperialism, and it is supremely ironic that the attempts of the Eisenhower Government to silence Robeson, actually achieved the opposite of their obective, and secured his plce in history.. I  just happen to have a copy of this lgendary  recording, which is one of the most spine tingling things I've ever heard. 
The South Wales miners added their voice and signatures to the international petitions that eventually forced the US Supreme Court to reinstate his passport in June 1958, ruling that it was unconstitutional to deny a US passport on political grounds. The following month Robeson flew to London [Passport no.1145187]. When Paul arrived he added his voice of support to the Musicians’ Union who at the time were witholding the services of its members from The Scala Ballroom in Wolverhampton after the colour ban by its owners.
 In an intense few months, he sang to millions on television and radio; he became the first lay person - and the first non-White - to take the pulpit in St Paul's Cathedral; he revisited the USSR; and he prepared 'Othello'.
On 4th August 1958 he attended the National Eisteddfod of Wales in Ebbw Vale,where he was presented with a Welsh hymn book to mark his visit, he sat alongside Aneurin Bevan a long term friend and delivered an address to the people of Wales.Significantly was the first man to be granted permission to speak English on the llwyfan (eisteddfod stage) He spoke of the importance of his Welsh links:"You have shaped my life - I have learned from you.I am part of the working class.Of all the films I have made the one I will preserve is Proud Valley"
Having been blacklisted, Robeson’s passport was revoked during the McCarthyism era for his firm and outspoken Antifascist stance on social issues such as labor exploitation and racism. Before, after, and during (via mail correspondence) this period Robeson developed a widespread international influence through singing, acting, and speaking in areas such as Spain, the Soviet Union, Germany, and the United Kingdom.
Sadly Robeson’s health deteriorated during the 1960s and after his wife’s death in 1965, he stayed out of the public eye.He lived the final years of his life in seclusion in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and died there on January 23rd, 1976.
The Manics powerful, beautiful  and respectful tribute is  found over a recording of Robeson's wounded and soulful  baritone. In the song, James Dean Bradfield expresses his (and presumably, his bandmate Nicky Wire’s) admiration for and desire to emulate Robeson’s extraordinary life, It is a lesson for artists everywhere, In a very clever touch is the brief snippet of applause heard at the end of the track is actually a recording of Welsh miners clapping for Robeson when, he had sung their anthem to them through the telephone. Let Robeson Sing  also contains a lyrical premonition, as the band like Paul Robeson  in later months  would also go "to Cuba and meet Castro."
The beauty of the  art and the ballet dancers  in the video accompanying the song gracefully making this song even more powerful. A great song by a great band about a truly great man. Sing it loud, sing it proud.
Robeson's  connection with Wales has never been forgotten, he is fondly remembered because he not only stood up for the injustices that African-Americans faced, but also was able to empathize and connect with other people’s struggles, he funded Jews escaping Nazi Germany, spoke out against the fascists in Spanish Civil War, campaigned against colonialism in African countries and stood with laborers in the United States and proudly with the people of Wales, an internationalist who identified with the most important issues of freedom and social justice of his time, and practiced what he preached. Because of all this and his constant solidarity with the Welsh people he remains forever etched in the nations heart. A powerful rich courageous presence in our collective history.
Here is a link to a petition calling for a statue of Paul Robeson to be installed in the South Wales valleys to ceebrate his love of Wales and the mining communities that "shaped his life"  Like the Manics great song it would be a truly great way of honouring Paul Robeson's rich legacy. After all the words and music of this legendary activist and singer are more relevant than ever in the era of Black Lives Matter.  Paul Robeson recognised the need to fight racism and fascism with solidarity and socialism. This giant man's lifelong struggle serves as an inspiration as we carry on the same fight today.
 
 
Let Robeson Sing - Manic Street Preachers 
 

Where are you now?
Broken up or still around?
The CIA says you're a guilty man
Will we see the likes of you again?
 
Can anyone make a difference anymore?
Can anyone write a protest song?
Pinky lefty revolutionary
Burnt at the stake for
 
A voice so pure, a vision so clear
I've got to learn to live like you
Learn to sing like you
 
Went to Cuba to meet Castro
Never got past sleepy Moscow
A giant man with a heavenly voice
MK Ultra turned you paranoid
 
No passport 'til 1958
McCarthy poisoned through with hate
Liberty lost still buried today
Beneath the lie of the USA
 
Say what you want
Say what you want
 
A voice so pure, a vision so clear
I've got to learn to live like you
Learn to sing like you
 
"Now let the Freedom Train come zooming down the track
Gleaming in the sunlight for white and black
Not stopping at no stations marked coloured nor white
Just stopping in the fields in the broad daylight
 
Stopping in the country in the wide open air
Where there never was a Jim Crow sign nowhere
And no lilly-white committees, politicians of note
Nor poll tax layer through which coloured can't vote
 
And there won't be no kinda colour lines
The Freedom Train will be yours
And mine"
 
A voice so pure, a vision so clear
I've got to learn to live like you
Learn to sing like you
 
Sing it loud, sing it proud
I will be here, I will be found
Sing it loud, sing it proud
I will be here, I will be found
 
 Songwriters: James Bradfield / Nicholas Jones / Sean Moore
 
 FURTHER READING:

Freedomways. Paul Robeson: The Great Forerunner. (New York, 1965).

Paul Robeson Cymru Committee. Let Paul Robeson Sing! : a celebration of the life of Paul Robeson and his relationship with Wales. (Bevan Foundation, 2001).

Robeson, Paul. Here I stand: by Paul Robeson. (Boston, 1971, reprint of 1958 ed.)

Thompson, Allan Lord. Paul Robeson: artist and activist, on records, radio and television. (Wellingborough, 2000).