He was a prominent Welsh nationalist and a founder of the Welsh National Party (later known as Plaid Cymru). Lewis is usually acknowledged to have been among the most prominent figures of twentieth-century Welsh-language literature. Lewis was a 1970 Nobel nominee for literature, and in 2005 was voted 10th as Wales' 'greatest-ever person' in a BBC Wales poll..
Lewis studied English and French at Liverpool University until the breakout of World War One, after which he served in the South Wales Borderers. After the end of the war Lewis returned to university and graduated in English.In 1922 Lewis joined the University of Wales, Swansea as a lecturer in Welsh. Lewis' nationalism was heightened by his wartime experiences, and fighting with Irish soldiers in particular seemed to shape his ideas on the importance of Welsh identity.In 1925 he joined other nationalists at a 1925 National Eisteddfod meeting with an aim to establishing a national party for Wales. Plaid [Genedlaethol] Cymru was established, of which Lewis was President from 1926 to 1939.
In 1936 in protest to a bombing school being established at Penyberth on the Llŷn Peninsula, Lewis along with along with Rev. Lewis Edward Valentine, pastor of the Llandudno Welsh Baptist Church and David John Williams, senior schoolmaster at Fishguard County School had in protest set fire to a structure on a RAF base at Pwllheli, Caernarfonshire, Wales. They felt the recently built RAF base "was an immoral violation of the sure and natural rights of the Welsh people", Lewis saying that “the UK government was intent upon turning one of the ‘essential homes of Welsh culture, idiom, and literature’ into a place for promoting a barbaric method of warfare”. After setting the blaze, the trio informed the police what they had done and turned themselves in and claimed responsibility for the act of arson.Lewis was dismissed from his post at Swansea University following the crime.
In 1936 in protest to a bombing school being established at Penyberth on the Llŷn Peninsula, Lewis along with along with Rev. Lewis Edward Valentine, pastor of the Llandudno Welsh Baptist Church and David John Williams, senior schoolmaster at Fishguard County School had in protest set fire to a structure on a RAF base at Pwllheli, Caernarfonshire, Wales. They felt the recently built RAF base "was an immoral violation of the sure and natural rights of the Welsh people", Lewis saying that “the UK government was intent upon turning one of the ‘essential homes of Welsh culture, idiom, and literature’ into a place for promoting a barbaric method of warfare”. After setting the blaze, the trio informed the police what they had done and turned themselves in and claimed responsibility for the act of arson.Lewis was dismissed from his post at Swansea University following the crime.
Following the arrests of D.J Williams, Saunders Lewis and Lewis Valantine for the "tân yn llŷn" in 1936 all three were tried on charges of arson in Caernarfon crown court where their pleads were deemed invalid as they all pleaded in Welsh.
Following the jury's indecision on the matter it was decided that the case should be moved to the Old Bailey causing outrage though Wales which along with the lack of status for the Welsh language in the legal system.
The Penyberth Three were jailed for nine months at Wormwood Scrubs for the act, an event which had major repercussions in the run-up to the Second World War and provoked a backlash against Wales and the Welsh in England. However after being released from prison the men were given a hero's welcome by 15,000 people in Caernarfon.They had won the hearts of the Welsh people when they opposed the building of a bombing school in Wales .Sympathy for this case will depend upon feelings for the nationalist cause. However, what is striking is that the government’s lack of willingness to engage and compromise with the protestors led to a few people taking an extreme form of action. It may not have worked as far as the Llyn Peninsula was concerned but it probably helped galvanise nationalist feeling in Wales for many years to come.
After being released from prison in autumn 1937, Lewis moved to Llanfarian on the outskirts of Aberystwyth, and spent the following fifteen years earning an uncertain living between teaching, farming and journalism.
After being released from prison in autumn 1937, Lewis moved to Llanfarian on the outskirts of Aberystwyth, and spent the following fifteen years earning an uncertain living between teaching, farming and journalism.
In 1939 he resigned from the presidency of the National Party. 1941 saw the publication of the slim volume of poetry, Byd a Betws, in which the opening poem, ‘Y Dilyw 1939’ (‘The Deluge 1939’), refers to unemployed miners of the industrial south as ‘y demos dimai’ (‘the halfpenny demos’) and to Wall Street financiers ‘[a]'u ffroenau Hebreig yn ystadegau'r chwarter’ (‘with their Hebrew nostrils in the quarter's statistics’). It was repeatedly quoted from then on by left-wing critics attacking his snobbery and his anti-semitism. His column ‘Cwrs y Byd’ (‘The Course of the World’) in Y Faner was more substantial. Between 1939 and 1951 he contributed more than 560 weekly articles on life in Wales, Europe and the world as it faced the inevitability of war, the conflict itself, and the new world which emerged from the subsequent peace. These columns show Lewis at his best and his worst. Prophesying doom and convinced that no good would come of victory for either side, he said that Wales should remain above the fray. His column was withheld more than once and often cut by the censor's blue pencil.
His half-halo came to be cancelled out by one diabolical horn. Lewis’s support for the dictatorships inaugurated first by Portugal’s Salazar and then Spain’s Franco became a subject of concern to Plaid members and voters. Possibly influenced by his embrace of Catholicism – in whose pre Vatican 2 reading of the Christ story and certainly influenced by Maurice Barres, the market-leader in what has been called ‘the first wave of French Fascism’ and a high priest of French anti-semitism (of whom Lewis once wrote, acknowledging his debt, that ‘it was through him that I discovered Wales’), Lewis was certainly a political and literary anti-semite.
His half-halo came to be cancelled out by one diabolical horn. Lewis’s support for the dictatorships inaugurated first by Portugal’s Salazar and then Spain’s Franco became a subject of concern to Plaid members and voters. Possibly influenced by his embrace of Catholicism – in whose pre Vatican 2 reading of the Christ story and certainly influenced by Maurice Barres, the market-leader in what has been called ‘the first wave of French Fascism’ and a high priest of French anti-semitism (of whom Lewis once wrote, acknowledging his debt, that ‘it was through him that I discovered Wales’), Lewis was certainly a political and literary anti-semite.
His position during the Second World War was also controversial as he felt that Wales should take a completely neutral position and supported the campaign for the Welsh to become conscientious objectors. He argued with the left of the Welsh nationalist movement and was seen by some as having an elitist approach. Perhaps his most controversial statement, though, was when he appeared to show admiration for Adolf Hitler – as late as 1936, the year of the arson attack, when he wrote: “At once he fulfilled his promise — a promise which was greatly mocked by the London papers months before that — to completely abolish the financial strength of the Jews in the economic life of Germany.” Though he is considered one of the leading Welsh political figures of the Twentieth Century, Lewis reputation should now be forever held into question like his comtempraries T.S Eliot and Ezra Pound whose work is still marred by the same stain that lingers over Saunder Lewis.It would be a dereliction if I whitewashed this thorny issue from Lewis's story.
Saunders Lewis was a complex, tortured individual, a poet and dramatist, described by historian Gwyn A Williams as “deeply conservative, a monarchist, a believer in leadership by a responsible elite”. Under him, Plaid called for “a nation of ‘small capitalists’, cooperation, the deindustrialisation of South Wales and the restoration of agriculture as the basic industry”. Lewis also called for the annihilation of English as a national language: “It must be deleted from the land called Wales”. He served as president of Plaid for 13 years and became its public face.
During the Second World War the party moved rightwards, and its toleration of anti-Semitism and refusal to oppose Hitler, Mussolini or Franco alienated many who believed they had joined a liberal, even left wing, nationalist party. By the end of the Second World War Lewis was disillusioned by the ‘communal socialist’ and pacifist tendency of Plaid Cymru (as it was called by then), by its lack of emphasis on the language, and later by what he regarded as the half-hearted stance of its liberal pacifist president, Gwynfor Evans, on plans by Liverpool Corporation to drown the village of Cwm Celyn in order to create the Tryweryn reservoir. https://teifidancer-teifidancer.blogspot.co.uk/2015/10/cofiwch-dryweryn-remember-tryweryn.html Over the next 15 years the party moved from being a right wing nationalist movement to being a party in favour of trade unions and social reform. Nationalist sentiment was heightened in the late 1950s and 1960s with the case of the Tryweryn Valley, where, despite nationwide Welsh protests, the village of Capel Celyn was flooded to build a reservoir for Liverpool. Plaid’s share of the vote went up from 0.7 percent in 1951 to 3.1 percent in 1955 and 5.2 percent in 1959.
Lewis will probably be best remembered today for his literary legacy. His first play, "Blodeuwedd" ("The woman of flowers") opened in 1923. His play "Buchedd Garmon" ("The life of Germanus") was broadcast on the BBC in 1937. Later plays like "Siwan" (1956), "Brad" ("Treachery") (1958) and "Esther "(1960) would establish his reputation as a poet and a philosopher. Lewis wrote two novels, "Monica" in 1930 and "Merch Gwern Hywel" ("The daughter of Gwern Hywel") in 1964. These works along with many others garnished him a nomination for the 1970 Nobel Prize for Literature.
He returned to lecturing in 1952 at Cardiff and remained there until his retirement five years later.
On February 13 1962 Lewis gave a now famous lecture on BBC radio entitled ‘Tynged yr Iaith’ (‘The Fate of the Language’), Addressing his fellow Welsh-speakers in a mixture of realistic fact-finding and wry humour, he pilloried the ‘English government’s’ deliberate efforts over the previous half-millennium to eradicate the Welsh language, and warned his compatriots that this persistent policy was about to be rewarded by their own failure to resist. “Restoring the Welsh language in Wales is nothing less than a revolution,” he declared “It is only through revolutionary means that we can succeed " predicted the extinction of the Welsh language and declared that the language would die unless revolutionary methods were used to defend it. Tynged yr iaith was a clear defiant rallying cry that sounded the alarm that, if what Lewis called ‘the present trend’ continued, and warned that Welsh would disappear as a living language by the start of the 21st century.
Saunders Lewis was a complex, tortured individual, a poet and dramatist, described by historian Gwyn A Williams as “deeply conservative, a monarchist, a believer in leadership by a responsible elite”. Under him, Plaid called for “a nation of ‘small capitalists’, cooperation, the deindustrialisation of South Wales and the restoration of agriculture as the basic industry”. Lewis also called for the annihilation of English as a national language: “It must be deleted from the land called Wales”. He served as president of Plaid for 13 years and became its public face.
During the Second World War the party moved rightwards, and its toleration of anti-Semitism and refusal to oppose Hitler, Mussolini or Franco alienated many who believed they had joined a liberal, even left wing, nationalist party. By the end of the Second World War Lewis was disillusioned by the ‘communal socialist’ and pacifist tendency of Plaid Cymru (as it was called by then), by its lack of emphasis on the language, and later by what he regarded as the half-hearted stance of its liberal pacifist president, Gwynfor Evans, on plans by Liverpool Corporation to drown the village of Cwm Celyn in order to create the Tryweryn reservoir. https://teifidancer-teifidancer.blogspot.co.uk/2015/10/cofiwch-dryweryn-remember-tryweryn.html Over the next 15 years the party moved from being a right wing nationalist movement to being a party in favour of trade unions and social reform. Nationalist sentiment was heightened in the late 1950s and 1960s with the case of the Tryweryn Valley, where, despite nationwide Welsh protests, the village of Capel Celyn was flooded to build a reservoir for Liverpool. Plaid’s share of the vote went up from 0.7 percent in 1951 to 3.1 percent in 1955 and 5.2 percent in 1959.
Lewis will probably be best remembered today for his literary legacy. His first play, "Blodeuwedd" ("The woman of flowers") opened in 1923. His play "Buchedd Garmon" ("The life of Germanus") was broadcast on the BBC in 1937. Later plays like "Siwan" (1956), "Brad" ("Treachery") (1958) and "Esther "(1960) would establish his reputation as a poet and a philosopher. Lewis wrote two novels, "Monica" in 1930 and "Merch Gwern Hywel" ("The daughter of Gwern Hywel") in 1964. These works along with many others garnished him a nomination for the 1970 Nobel Prize for Literature.
He returned to lecturing in 1952 at Cardiff and remained there until his retirement five years later.
On February 13 1962 Lewis gave a now famous lecture on BBC radio entitled ‘Tynged yr Iaith’ (‘The Fate of the Language’), Addressing his fellow Welsh-speakers in a mixture of realistic fact-finding and wry humour, he pilloried the ‘English government’s’ deliberate efforts over the previous half-millennium to eradicate the Welsh language, and warned his compatriots that this persistent policy was about to be rewarded by their own failure to resist. “Restoring the Welsh language in Wales is nothing less than a revolution,” he declared “It is only through revolutionary means that we can succeed " predicted the extinction of the Welsh language and declared that the language would die unless revolutionary methods were used to defend it. Tynged yr iaith was a clear defiant rallying cry that sounded the alarm that, if what Lewis called ‘the present trend’ continued, and warned that Welsh would disappear as a living language by the start of the 21st century.
Welsh developed from older Celtic languages in the 6th century and 90% of the population spoke Welsh as recently as 1850. There were two main reasons for its rapid decline, firstly, the industrial revolution with its mass immigration and secondly, the active and often forcible discouragement of its use.
As far back as Henry VIII's Act of Union in 1536, which fixed English sovereignty over Wales, the use of Welsh for legal, administrative and business purposes was largely prohibited.
In Wales, Welsh school children were punished for speaking their own language in the belief that the English Language would solve all their educational problems. hey tried to kill its language and damned nearly succeeded, because in the nineteenth century their was a superficial belief that English was superior, and that English was the only language which should be used throughout the British Empire.
A report of 1847 which became known as the Treachery of the Blue Books written by English barristers who did not speak any Welsh between them castigated Welsh culture in general, and referred to the Welsh language as a drawback and that the moral condition of Welsh people would only improve with the introduction of English.
The ' Welsh not ' consisted of a small piece of wood or slate inscribed with the letters 'W.N ', which was hung barbarically around the neck of any child caught speaking Welsh. At the end of the day , the child wearing the 'Welsh Not ' would be punished by the schoolteacher with the cane.. It was a form of cultural genocide and it was only at the beginning of the 20th century that this draconian measure and attitude to Welsh slowly began to change.
Yet at the same time, right up until the early part of the 20th century, Welsh was actively discouraged in education and government. The population colluded; English was seen as a route to well paid white collar jobs.
Lewis' radio speech was in response to the 1961 census, which showed a decrease in the percentage of Welsh speakers from 36% in 1931 to 26%, of the population of about 2.5 million. In the census the counties of Meirionnydd (Merionethshire), Ynys Môn (Anglesey), Caerfyrddin (Carmarthenshire), and Caernarfon (Caernarvonshire) averaged a 75% proportion of Welsh speakers, with the most significant decreases in the counties of Glamorgan, Flint, and Pembroke.
A result of the lecture led to the foundation of the Welsh Language Society/ Cymdeithas Y Iaith – a protest organisation which subsequently forced the adoption of equal legal validity for the Welsh-language in official communications and road signs – and forced a Government U-turn leading to the establishment of S4C – the Welsh Fourth Channel and saw a revival in the use of spoken Welsh. Here is a link to full transcript of this historical lecture;-
https://morris.cymru/testun/saunders-lewis-fate-of-the-language.html
It would have an impact, and the language movement went through an important shift, ceasing to be just a conservative concern and beginning to draw in many students and young people. The action focused on campaigning for the use of Welsh in official documents, in the media and on road signs. Many members of Cymdeithas were involved in a high-visibility campaign of direct action in 1969, in which English road signs were vandalised and painted out. This period saw numerous hunger strikes, prison sentences and occupations of TV studios. The campaign against the Investiture of the Prince of Wales at Caernarfon, also in 1969, saw a separate bombing campaign, in which two young men died after bombs went off prematurely.This speech also ironically made the old man into an idol for a new generation bred on the ideals of the civil rights movements in the southern United States and South Africa. The arch-conservative had become a symbol of revolution.
It would have an impact, and the language movement went through an important shift, ceasing to be just a conservative concern and beginning to draw in many students and young people. The action focused on campaigning for the use of Welsh in official documents, in the media and on road signs. Many members of Cymdeithas were involved in a high-visibility campaign of direct action in 1969, in which English road signs were vandalised and painted out. This period saw numerous hunger strikes, prison sentences and occupations of TV studios. The campaign against the Investiture of the Prince of Wales at Caernarfon, also in 1969, saw a separate bombing campaign, in which two young men died after bombs went off prematurely.This speech also ironically made the old man into an idol for a new generation bred on the ideals of the civil rights movements in the southern United States and South Africa. The arch-conservative had become a symbol of revolution.
The impact and influence of the speech contributed to a renewed sense of purpose among those resistant to the language’s increasing marginalisation. Over the subsequent three decades the case for Cymraeg would be campaigned and argued for with an applied fervour.
With concern for the Welsh language mounting in the 1960s, the Welsh Language Act 1967 was passed, giving some legal protection for the use of Welsh in official government business. The Act was based on the Hughes Parry report, published in 1965, which advocated equal validity for Welsh in speech and in written documents, both in the courts and in public administration in Wales. However the Act did not include all the Hughes Parry report's recommendations. Prior to the Act, only the English language could be spoken at government and court proceedings.
In 1990, Welsh became a compulsory subject for all pupils in state schools in Wales up to the age of 14. Three years later the Westminster government passed a Welsh Language Act, which formally recognised that “in the course of public business and the administration of justice, so far as is reasonably practicable, the Welsh and English languages are to be treated on the basis of equality”.
Although the Welsh Language Act 1967 had given some rights to use Welsh in court, the Welsh Language Act 1993 was the first to put Welsh on an equal basis with English in public life.
The Act set up the Welsh Language Board, answerable to the Secretary of State for Wales, with the duty to promote the use of Welsh and to ensure compliance with the other provisions. Additionally, the Act gave Welsh speakers the right to speak Welsh in court proceedings under all circumstances. The previous Act had only given limited protection to the use of Welsh in court proceedings. The Act obliges all organisations in the public sector providing services to the public in Wales to treat Welsh and English on an equal basis; however it does not compel private businesses to provide services in Welsh: that would require a further Language Act. Some of the powers given to the Secretary of State for Wales under this Act were later devolved to the National Assembly for Wales (Cynulliad Cenedlaethol Cymru), but others have been retained by Westminster.
Today Welsh language comprehensive schools are multiplying. There is a Welsh language TV channel, S4C and a thriving cultural scene, including a vibrant youth culture.Today thankfully the Welsh language remains very much a living language, and is spoken by 20% of the population, concentrated mainly in the west of Wales. The concern for its survival ignites much passion and political activity. Its survival is remarkable, given its culturally powerful neighbour. Despite this dramatic reversal in the language's fortunes, its future remains in the balance and consequently is still very much worth fighting for.Siaradwch Cymraeg
Saunders Lewis died on September 1st 1985 at the age of 91.Yes he stood up for the Welsh language but despite efforts to sanitise his story by members of the Welsh establishment, it would be wrong to airbrush the ugly whiff of fascism that stays attached to him today, however by the time of his death he remained one of the most celebrated of Welsh writers.
‘Tynged yr Iaith’ (‘The Fate of the Language’) - Saunders Lewis
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