The Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) Movement is working and winning the global battle for hearts and minds.

I am proud to support the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions ( BDS) movement, that enables  people around the world to contribute to the Palestinian struggle against Israeli apartheid and for freedom, justice and equality. BDS calls for the international community to put nonviolent pressure on Israel until it complies with international human rights laws, such as the Geneva Conventions and UN Resolution 242.

Founded in 2005, BDS is a global movement which takes inspiration from the campaign that targeted South Africa’s apartheid regime, focusing on non-violent methods to accomplish its goals. Its basic principle is that Palestinians are entitled to the same rights as the rest of humanity, and it seeks to mount international political and economic pressure on Israel in solidarity with the Palestinian people.

According to the official website “The BDS movement was launched by 170 Palestinian unions, refugee networks, women’s organisations, professional associations, popular resistance committees and other Palestinian civil society bodies.”It is the broadest Palestinian civil society coalition.

It says “BDS is an inclusive, anti-racist human rights movement that is opposed on principle to all forms of discrimination, including anti-semitism and Islamophobia.”

BDS calls for “nonviolent pressure on Israel until it complies with international law by meeting three demands”: The end of the Israeli occupation of Palestinian land (West Bank, East Jerusalem, Syrian Golan Heights) and the dismantling of Israel’s illegal separation wall and settlements in the occupied West Bank, full equality for Palestinian citizens of Israel, and the respecting, protecting and promoting the rights of Palestinian refugees to return to their homes and properties as stipulated  by international laws and regulations.

There is significant support for the Palestinian BDS movement in South Africa. The African National Congress supports BDS, as does the Congress of South African Trade Unions.

BDS stated “Both the South Africa and BDS boycotts were called by those impacted by the state in question, rather than imposed by consumers or civil society abroad.”

Archbishop Desmond Tutu was a leader of the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa. He supports BDS and stated "I have witnessed the systematic humiliation of Palestinian men, women and children by members of the Israeli security forces. Their humiliation is familiar to all black South Africans who were corralled and harassed and insulted and assaulted by the security forces of the apartheid government."

When Israel is compared with Apartheid South Africa, the comparison sticks regardless of however convincingly the accusation is refuted. Whatever the Zionist answer, the BDS movement essentially wins just by raising the question.

According to the Red Cross the Geneva Conventions “form the core of international humanitarian law, which regulates the conduct of armed conflict and seeks to limit its effects. They protect people not taking part in hostilities”.

A 2017 UN General Assembly Resolution stated that Israel was in breach of several provisions of the Geneva Convention. It called for Israel to “comply strictly with its obligations under international law, including international humanitarian law”. It has adopted several similar resolutions historically, for example in 2015 and 2016.

The UN Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner (OHCHR) states “The United Nations has stated on many occasions that the 53-year-old Israeli occupation is the source of profound human rights violations against the Palestinian people. These violations include land confiscation, settler violence, discriminatory planning laws, the confiscation of natural resources, home demolitions, forcible population transfer, excessive use of force and torture, labour exploitation, extensive infringements of privacy rights, restrictions on the media and freedom of expression, the targeting of women activists and journalists, the detention of children, poisoning by exposure to toxic wastes, forced evictions and displacement, economic deprivation and extreme poverty, arbitrary detention, lack of freedom of movement, food insecurity, discriminatory law enforcement and the imposition of a two-tier system of disparate political, legal, social, cultural and economic rights based on ethnicity and nationality.

Palestinian and Israeli human rights defenders, who peacefully bring public attention to these violations, are slandered, criminalised or labeled as terrorists. Above all, the Israeli occupation has meant the denial of the right of Palestinian self-determination.”

In addition to the violations of international human rights laws posed by settlements and annexation, the Israeli government is accused of violating the right of refugees to return to their homeland and is accused of discriminating against Palestinian citizens of Israel.

Estimates indicate that nearly 50% of Palestinians live outside of Palestine.

According to the Oxford Human Rights Hub, Palestinian refugees and their descendents “constitute one of the largest and longest-standing unresolved refugee crises in the world, with 7.54 million refugees in addition to 720,000 internally displaced persons”.

UN Resolution 194, which was passed in 1948, states that Palestinian refugees should have the right to return to their homes, but this right has been denied.

Oxford Human Rights Hub continues, “Palestinian refugees, who were forcibly displaced as a result of 1948 and 1967 wars, are stripped of their UN-mandated Right of Return [...] Like never before in the history of the UN, Resolution 194’s consistency with international laws and instruments was reaffirmed by the UN more than 135 times.” 

Ten former presidents, and more than 700 members of parliament, mayors, cultural figures and academics from Latin America, Asia and Africa, called on the UN to recognize Israel as an apartheid State and to impose sanctions on it. 

BDS uses  the following methods: .

Boycotts

The BDS website states “Boycotts involve withdrawing support from Israel's apartheid regime, complicit Israeli sporting, cultural and academic institutions, and from all Israeli and international companies engaged in violations of Palestinian human rights.”

Divestment campaigns

“Divestment campaigns urge banks, local councils, churches, pension funds and universities to withdraw investments from the State of Israel and all Israeli and international companies that sustain Israeli apartheid.”

Calls for sanctions

“Sanctions campaigns pressure governments to fulfil their legal obligations to end Israeli apartheid, and not aid or assist its maintenance, by banning business with illegal Israeli settlements, ending military trade and free-trade agreements, as well as suspending Israel's membership in international forums such as UN bodies and FIFA.”

None of these should be controversial – yet large swathes of the British political establishment seemingly align with Johnson’s disapproval on the matter.  Johnson's government continues to push for anti-BDS legislation. The December 2019 Queen’s speech announced the proposal of a new law essentially criminalising the BDS movement. It stated that (if the law passes) public institutions such as universities and local councils would be prohibited from “imposing their own direct or indirect boycotts, disinvestment or sanctions campaigns against foreign countries”. Eric Pickles, former Conservative Party chairman and House of Lords Parliamentary Chairman of the pro-Israel lobby group Conservative Friends of Israel, has dubbed the campaign a ‘thin disguise for anti-Semitism.

The Labour Party, too, has been consistently weak on the cause, despite a new poll showing that 61 percent of its members support BDS.

In summer 2020, when Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu threatened to extend Israel’s annexation to make way for more settlers—an endeavour in flagrant violation of international law—Lisa Nandy called for an import ban on settlement goods, but has since been at pains to say that she has ‘never’ supported BDS. In her view, ‘BDS pushes people away instead of bringing people together.’

Labour leader Keir Starmer apparently subscribes to the same theory. He recently pulled out of a Ramadan virtual fast-breaking event after he was made aware that its organiser supported the boycott of Israeli dates. The move was fiercely criticised, with over 2,000 people signing a petition condemning Starmer’s ‘selective disengagement’ and his discrimination against Muslims.

The challenge for those involved in the BDS movement is that the attempt to neutralise it is a multi-pronged one. Even before the government’s proposed bill, universities across the country had a history of muzzling pro-Palestinian activism on campus.

In cracking down further, Britain is starting to sing from the same repressive hymn sheet as the United States and Israel. The former has seen at least 28 states pass laws that either restrict or ban individuals or companies dealing in state contracts from boycotting Israel, while the latter has form for blacklisting charities and human rights organisations from entering the country because they endorse the BDS movement. In 2017, Israel’s government approved a $72 million plan to combat BDS’s influence.

More than half of US states have passed laws that combat the BDS movement. Donald Trump pursued legislation that would effectively prohibit support for boycotts of the Israeli state on campus. 

There has been proposed anti-BDS legislation at various levels of government from state to councils in Canada, France, Germany, Austria,Czech Republic and the Balearic Islands.

Repression of BDS is hardly surprising, as successful examples of direct democracy and people power fly in the face of efforts to cow and silence activists and movements.

These frantic attempts to gag BDS and its supporters is testament to its growth and prominence. Indeed, the list of success stories in recent years is a considerable one

In 2019, major international companies including Australia’s Macquarie, Canada’s Bombardier, France’s Alstom, and Germany’s Siemens withdrew from bidding to build Israel’s illegal settlement railway on stolen Palestinian land as the movement’s pressure mounted.

The UN has also released a list of 112 companies that are complicit in Israel’s illegal settlement enterprise, a move widely considered a robust step towards holding international corporations accountable for facilitating Israel’s oppression. The list includes familiar names like JCB, Motorola, Airbnb, and TripAdvisor.

2021 has seen fantastic momentum for the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) Movement from Ben & Jerry's ending sales in Israel's illegal settlements, to the UK-wide Boycott Puma Day of Action. The “friendly” football match between FC Barcelona and racist Israeli club Beitar Jerusalem, known for its fans’ “death to Arabs” chants, was cancelled. Premier league Qatar Sports Club pledge not to renew with PUMA amid local and international calls for boycott due to its compliance with the Israeli occupation.

Lothian Pension Fund, Scotland’s second largest local authority pension fund, with 84,000 members and £8 billion in assets, divested from Israeli Bank Hapoalim.

The Irish government became the first EU country to declare Israel’s building of illegal settlements on Palestinian land a ‘de facto annexation.'

 Over 350 academic departments, centres, unions, and societies, along with 23,000 academics, students, and university staff, signed statements in support of Palestinian rights with many calling for BDS!

Chilean parliament introduces a bill to ban import of Israeli goods from illegal settlements.39 labour organizations, representing hundreds of thousands of workers across Canada, signed an open letter to Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, urging his government to immediately suspend bilateral military trade with Israel.

The Canadian Labour Congress endorsed a ban on settlement goods, promoting divestment from Israeli military and security companies, and calling on Canada to impose a #MilitaryEmbargo on Israel.

The University of Brasilia and the University of Costa Rica passed historic resolutions declaring they will have no ties with companies complicit in Israel’s regime of military occupation, colonialism, and apartheid. The Student Association of the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies in Geneva became the first student association in Switzerland to endorse BDS and to declare itself an Apartheid Free Zone (AFZ).

The City University of New York (CUNY) staff congress, representing 30,000 members, passed a resolution condemning Israel as a settler-colonial and apartheid state.

More than 130 Mexican civil rights organizations demand CEMEX end complicity with Israeli apartheid. 

East Sussex Pension Fund divested from Elbit Systems, Israel’s largest private arms manufacturer.

In a year marred by Israeli apartheid and massacres, Palestinian hope and unity shine through as do these victories, BDS is working and winning the global battle for hearts and mind, whilst delivering justice to the Palestinian people. 

The most common self-satisfied arguments against BDS highlights how BDS supporters single out Israel while ignoring other notorious human rights violators, such as Turkey, China, or Russia. While supposedly exposing some form of hypocrisy and insincerity, this in fact concedes that Israel is comparably guilty, grouping Israel along with murderous, oppressive, and tyrannical regimes.

If like me you I believe in a world with equal rights for all and not privileges for some and are against all forms of oppression and discrimination and want to stop corporate complicity in human rights violations. If you support the rights of all Indigenous peoples, including Palestinians, over their ancestral lands, cultural heritage and natural resources and support the global struggle against racism in all its forms, and believe that no state, including Israel, should be granted impunity for violating international law and human rights. And if you subscribe to Martin Luther King’s words that ethically-consistent boycotts entail “withdrawing our cooperation from an evil system," supporting BDS is a moral imperative.

 Boycotts work. The power of boycotts past and present is that they refuse to confine the movements they represent to the realm of humanitarian relief, they also demand accountability.

 Ultimately  BDS empowers individuals to do better than their governments, and can be a way to pressure governments to act. While governments fail to take a stand against war crimes committed by the Israeli state, we can condemn these actions through Boycotts, Divestment and Sanctions. BDS is a prime example of peoples power in action.

It is used as a key tactic of solidarity with the Palestinian people,creating a pressure that cannot simply be ignored. BDS upholds the simple principle that Palestinians are entitled to the same rights as the rest of humanity. 

Thousands of organisations are working on BDS campaigns globally.UK organisations that have expressed support for BDS include NUS, the Scottish Trades Union Congress, National Union of Teachers, Union of Students in Ireland, Unite the Union, War on Want, and 25 student unions, including the University of Manchester, SOAS, Goldsmiths, UCL and Kings College London.

Individuals who have expressed support for BDS include Alice Walker, Angela Davis, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Arundhati Roy, Benjamin Zephaniah, Eduardo Galeano, Gideon Levy, Ilhan Omar, Judith Butler, Ken Loach, Lauryn Hill, Mandla Mandela, Naomi Klein, Roger Waters and Stephen Hawking.

Several governments have spoken out in defense of the right for citizens to support BDS, including the Netherlands, Sweden and Ireland.

A groundbreaking report by Human Rights Watch, titled ‘A Threshold Crossed’, detailed how Israel’s policies against millions of Palestinians amounts to persecution and apartheid and crimes againsst humanity. It’s long past time to hold Israel accountable. BDS is a movement to disempower and defund such crimes — and that is a movement worth supporting.

BDS  exerts economic pressure on powerful companies or governments so they change their ways. Boycotts have seen countless sucesses and played an important role in the ethical consumer movement since it began.From the boycott of South African products during the Apartheid in the 1980s, to the Alabama bus boycotts, it is clear they can contribute to real change.

Author and activist Naomi Klein has stated “The best strategy to end the increasingly bloody occupation is for Israel to become the target of the kind of global movement that put an end to apartheid in South Africa.”

   

Here are ways to Support BDS

 

Boycott complicit companies

The Palestinian BDS National Committee (BNC) calls for the boycott of several companies operating globally. These are:

Puma who sponsor the Israel Football Association, which includes teams in Israel’s illegal settlements on occupied Palestinian land.

Hewlett Packard that help run the ID system that Israel uses to restrict Palestinian movement.

Sabra hummus is a joint venture between PepsiCo and the Strauss Group, an Israeli food company that provides financial support to the Israel Defense Forces.

Caterpillar bulldozers are regularly used in the demolition of Palestinian homes and farms and in Israel’s massacres in Gaza.

SodaStream home drinks machines are one of Israel’s best known exports.

Ahava cosmetics are another of Israel’s best known export companies.

BDS also says that it targets “all Israeli and international companies engaged in violations of Palestinian human rights”. Local BDS groups and campaigns have named many specific companies complicit in Israeli apartheid: BDS members can campaign against any company that meets the above definition, meaning that they can focus on those that suit their local context with autonomy. 

Search online to find a local group and check out their campaigns for boycott calls near you. A list of global BDS groups is available  on the BDS website  (though there are many more that have not egistered on this list). :https://bdsmovement.net/

Amanuel Asrat's 50th Birthday

Today 26 July 2021 is the 50th birthday  of Eritrean Poet, critic and editor-in-chief of the leading newspaper Zemen, Amanuel Asrat.

Amanuel  a graduate of soil science and water conservation of University of Asmara, is greatly credited for Eritrea’s poetry resurgence of 2000s. An award-winning poet and critic, Amanuel along with two friends, also created a literary club called  ቍርሲ ቀዳም ኣብ ጠዓሞት  (Saturday’s Supper) prompting literary clubs to emerge in all major Eritrean towns. While he was editor-in-chief of Zemen, the newspaper was the leading literary newspaper in Eritrea and helped shape the cultural landscape; Asrat himself was a popular art critic.

Amanuel’s paper was one of several that reported on divisions between reformers and conservatives within the ruling Party for Democracy and Justice and advocated for full implementation of the country’s democratic constitutionn 2001, the Eritrean government began a campaign to silence its critics, arresting opposition politicians, students and many journalists. As part of this crackdown, Amanuel was arrested at his home on 23 September 2001, alongside the editors of all privately-owned newspapers for reporting around the G-15 letter, an open letter from prominent Eritrean politicians that condemned the actions of President Isias Afwerki and his regime. 

 The African Commission on Human and People’s Rights ruled in May 2007 that journalists arrested in September 2001 in Eritrea, which includes Amanuel Asrat, were being held in arbitrary and unlawful detention. It called upon the Eritrean government to release the men and compensate them. The Government of Eritrea has ignored the ruling and journalists arrested in September 2001 remain in detention.

.Over the years, Eritrean officials have offered vague and inconsistent explanations for the arrests–accusing the journalists of involvement in anti-state conspiracies  in connection with foreign intelligence, of skirting military service, and of violating press regulations. Officials, at times, even denied that the journalists existed. Meanwhile, shreds of often unverifiable, second- or third-hand information smuggled out of the country by people fleeing into exile suggested as many as seven journalists have died in custody.

 When asked in a June 2016 interview with Radio France International about the status of journalists and politicians arrested in 2001, Eritrean Foreign Affairs Minister Osman Saleh Mohammed said "all of them are alive" and “in good hands,” adding that they would face trial "when the government decides.”

 In June 2019, a group of over 100 prominent African journalists, writers, and activists wrote an open letter to Eritrean President Isaias Afewerki asking to visit the imprisoned journalists and activists, according to a copy of the letter that was published by the South African newspaper Mail & Guardian. In a response published on its website, Eritrea’s Ministry of Information said that only reporters with a “genuine interest in understanding the country” were welcome, and said the imprisoned journalists were arrested for “events of sedition.”

According to English PEN, Asrat and his fellow writers are believed to have been subjected to torture and other ill-treatment, including lack of access to medical care, while detained in the purpose-built maximum-security prison Eiraeiro. The free speech organisation, which awards the PEN Pinter prizes  said that it was unknown whether charges have been brought against them or if they have ever been brought to trial. He has not been heard from since. 

Asrat's writings detailed the daily life of the underprivileged, and explored themes of war and peace, notably depicting the negative side of conflict. Amanuel Asrat is one of the few Eritrean writers who are assuming their proper places and due recognitions internationally mainly through PEN Eritrea’s advocacy campaign. He was profiled in August 2015 issue of The Guardian along other five Eritrean journalists; his poem was translated into 14 languages to mark International Translation Day; he held one of the empty chairs at the 81^st PEN Congress in Quebec, Canada; and he was one of the five writers featured in 2015 on the Day of the Imprisoned Writer, an international day that recognizes writers who have suffered persecution as a result of exercising their right to freedom of expression. In October 2020,Asrat was named International Writer of Courage by Linton Kwesi Johnson. the writer and musician  Linton Kweisi Johnson won the PEN Pinter Prize 2020 in memory of playwright Harold Pinter.As part of the win, he could  “share” his prize with another individual,and he chose Amanuel.

Johnson paid tribute to Asrat: "Keeping a citizen incarcerated, incommunicado, without charge or trial for nearly 20 years is the kind of egregious brutality that we associate with totalitarian states and dictatorships. As a gesture of solidarity from a poet of the African diaspora, I have chosen the Eritrean poet, songwriter, critic, and journalist Amanuel Asrat as the Writer of Courage for 2020."

Daniel Mebrahtu, Amanuel Asrat’s brother, commented: "We, the family of Amanuel Asrat, are very pleased, honoured and humbled to accept this award on behalf of our son and brother, Amanuel Asrat. Many thanks to English PEN and Mr Linton Kwesi-Johnson. Amanuel is suffering under the harsh conditions of the Eiraeiro dungeon in Eritrea for 19 years and counting. His whereabouts are not known. We don’t even know whether he is alive or dead. We wish Amanuel was aware of this prize and honour somehow. We ask the international community to intervene in his case and other prisoners of conscience in Eritrea, and demand their immediate release. Thank you for the recognition, for your thoughts and prayers. Thank you for your constant support. We really appreciate it."

For International Translation Day on 30 September 2015, PEN members from around the world translated Amanuel's  ኣበሳ ኲናት (The Scourge of War) into  many different languages. The poem is an unflinching look at the war between Eritrea and Ethiopia that lasted from 1998 to 200 and that reports from the time that left tens of thousands dead,

‘ኣበሳ ኲናት (The Scourge of War)’

Where two brothers pass each other
Where two brothers meet each other
Where two brothers conjoin
In the piazza of life and death
In the gulf of calamity and cultivation
In the valley of fear and peace
Something resounded.
The ugliness of the thing of war
When its spring comes
When its ravaging echoes knock at your door
It is then that the scourge of war brews doom
But…
You serve it willy-nilly
Unwillingly you keep it company
Still, for it to mute how hard you pray!
– Translated by Tedros Abraham

To mark Amanuel Asrat’s 50th birthday, I hope that you will join me  in sending messages of solidarity to his family, to show them that he has not been – and will not be – forgotten. You can do so here:-

https://www.englishpen.org/pen-writes/penwrites-amanuel-asrat/

Support the RNLI : Oppose the Racist Nationality and Borders Bill

 

The British charity Royal National Lifeboat Institution (RNLI) received a backlash recently following a news report which described the entry of their vessel into French waters to search for a boat in distress with 20 migrants on board.

RNLI said it received a huge volume of comments on social media after a British tabloid published the article on July 2. Former UKIP and Brexit party leader, and seven-time failed parliamentary candidate, Ngel Farage    said at the time the RNLI had become "a taxi service for illegal immigration".

On July 5  the day before the publication of the highly contentious Nationality and Borders Bill  (July 6), which seeks to further restrict the asylum application process and to clamp down on clandestine Channel crossings by people seeking refuge in the UK, the RNLI responded with a statement clarifying that its mission is to "save lives at sea . . . without judgment of how they came to be in the water." The charity added, "we want to be absolutely clear that we are incredibly proud of the humanitarian work our volunteer lifeboat crews do to rescue vulnerable people in distress."

The RNLI is a voluntary  body that;s sole purpose of existence is to save lives,  they don’t care about the immigration status of the people they pick up.

Furthermore, the service will keep rescuing people under those conditions, no matter what Patel says, because they have a Royal Charter – the Queen supports what they do.

Sadly, the publicity given to our brave lifeboat people has attracted the attention of the nastier elements of society , emboldened from the rhetoric from such as Nigel Farage and Home Secretary Priti Patel we’re starting to see incidents like the following .

On Friday (23 July) evening, some members of the RNLI Tower lifeboat crew were verbally abused while reporting for duty. A volunteer with the Royal National Lifeboat Institution has reported being ‘verbally assaulted’ by members of the public whereas on responsibility. The Tower RNLI station stated on a twitter post :https://twitter.com/TowerRNLI/status/1418703723631624199
"We are shocked and saddened to report some of our volunteer crew were verbally assaulted due to their role when reporting for duty tonight. This behaviour will not be tolerated. Thank you @metpoliceuk for your support."

RNLI Tower reported that the reason for the verbal assault was 'due to their role'.in rescuing people from drowning in UK waters,

Tower lifeboat station operates from lifeboat pier on the River Thames in central London and provides a 24 hour search and rescue service, 7 days a week.

The service covers 16 miles of the Thames, between Barking Creek and Battersea from its station under Waterloo Bridge.

Alongside search and rescue, RNLI Tower conducts patrols on the river at busy times, are on hand to provide first aid treatment for passengers and crew on other boats and assist the recovery of bodies from the river.

It is the RNLI's busiest station, and as with all RNLI crews, is served by volunteers who work long shift patterns to cover the 24/7 service.

 The unit said on a twitter post :https://twitter.com/TowerRNLI/status/1418703723631624199

It's  really hard to comprehend how twisted someones views would have to be to to verbally abuse them.The RNLI represent  the best of us: courageous, selfless, non-judgemental men and women who, seeking no reward, go into danger to save us regardless of the colour of our skin. Hardly any wonder then that such heroes shame the cowards by their actions.

Home secretary Priti Patel’s immigration bill, which will criminalise rescuing drowning migrants at sea, looks to punish asylum seekers attempting to flee to Britain,  I really think it is not not just a material attempt to kill migrants but also to attempt to demonise the very concept of compassion and feed the minds of racist bigots..

Despite this over 250 organizations – including the Refugee Council, the British Red Cross, Freedom from Torture, Refugee Action and Asylum Matters – have formed a coalition called Together with Refugees to call for a more humane approach to people seeking asylum in the UK.

And in response  to the Home Office’s Borders Bill introduced to parliament on 6 July, Steve Valdez-Symonds, Refugee and Migrants Rights Programme Director at Amnesty International UK, said: 

“This shockingly-bad bill will fatally undermine the right to asylum - both in the UK and elsewhere. 

“Instead of introducing this piece of utter legislative vandalism, what the Home Office should be doing is establishing safe routes for the relatively few people escaping persecution who wish to seek asylum here. 

“This reckless and deeply-unjust bill is set to bring shame on Britain’s international reputation. It will open the door to other countries also seeking to dismantle a global refugee system which has saved countless lives. 

“This is a shameful dereliction of duty from the Home Secretary. If the bill goes through, the UK will have reneged on key international commitments - including the Refugee Convention, put in place after the horrors of World War Two.”

 Britain's immigration system, the so called 'hostile environment' is already inhumane and inherently racist.The racist Nationality and Borders Bill  which received its second studying in parliament on Monday, contains provisions for individuals who have fled hazard to search asylum in Britain to be arrested at sea and prosecuted below a new offence for arriving with out a legitimate entry clearance, will only add to this misery. It must be opposed.

As it stands it undermines everyone’s right to claim asylum, protection and safety. It introduces a two-tier system so that regardless of what horrors people are fleeing from they will be first of all judged on the way they arrived in the UK. Anyone arriving by a so-called illegal route would be penalized.  People fleeing for their lives to escape war, rape and other violence, starvation and environmental devastation can’t wait to be invited to travel via a “legal” route – and it is a fallacy as there are virtually no legal routes into the UK, which results in thousands risking their lives crossing the channel in trucks or flimsy dingies.

People could be turned back by border force officials while out at sea – it is estimated that 1,500 people drowned in the Mediterranean in 2020 – how many bodies will wash up on English beaches if this “push back” policy is implemented. People could be put in detention immediately on arrival and their claim fast tracked leaving little time to get legal representation, gather evidence and get a fair hearing.  If they manage to claim asylum they could be at risk of being removed at any time while their claim is being decided and get only “temporary protection status” if it succeeds. It will be harder to appeal a refusal of an asylum claim which means that even rape survivors will be expected to speak about all that has happened to them immediately on arrival.  People will be forced to live in designated accommodation like Napier and Penally barracks, which were exposed as being unfit for human habitation,

Also by removing helping an asylum seeker for 'gain' under the current legislation the Home Secretary would not only be able to  prosecute a charity like the RNLI, but also anybody rescuing drowning asylum seekers at sea, in clear contravention if international law and basic humanity.

We should not forget Britain has a long tradition of giving a warm welcome to a range of different groups seeking sanctuary and protection  maybe it's time in the midst of ongoing crisis to once agin opn its borders to the world;s displaced people. 

In the meantime for all those sickened by the abuse members of the RNLI  recently received ( the last thing the charity’s crews should have to put up with is racists angry that they did their job),  please consider making a small donation to the RNLI  and give them the support they truly deserve and help them keep saving lives. You can donate here :-,https://rnli.org/support-us/give-money/donate

Norway marks the day when Fascist Anders Breivik killed 77 people

 

 Norway marks the day when on July 22 2011 thirty-two year-old Anders Behring Breivik, a Norwegian fascist, drove into the city center of Oslo where he placed a car bomb at the government quarter. The bomb went off at 3:25 pm killing eight people and wounding thirty others severely. The office of Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg from the Labor Party was badly damaged, and parts of the governmental quarter are to this day still inaccessible. Thereafter the same terrorist, Anders Behring Breivik, drove to the tiny of Island Utøya, 3 8 kilometers outside Oslo. Here the annual youth camp of the Labor Youth League was taking place, as it had done each year since 1950. Dressed up as a police officer he was allowed to enter the camp where he shortly after killed an unarmed police officer, the one person being in charge of the security on the Island. Hoping to target former Norwegian prime minister Gro Harlem Brundtland, whose appearance at the island that day was cancelled, he fired indiscriminately at adults and teens alike. The next hour the youth camp was transformed into a nightmare where teenagers in hiding, or on the run, were systematically tracked down and executed. Most of them were shot in the head or in the face at close range. From 17.22 to 6:35 pm sixty-nine people, mostly teenagers were murdered at Utøya. The two youngest victims were fourteen years old. In all 232 were left injured. Leaving the country and the world in shock. Here's a link to a poem I wrote at the time .https://teifidancer-teifidancer.blogspot.com/2011/07/after-utoya-norway.html

More than 500 survived, many. by hiding for several hours in the woods. Others swam into the cold water of the Tyrifjord from where they were rescued by locals.

Breivik’s attack was labelled terrorism, joining only two other terrorist attacks in the country since the second world war (the 1977 bombing of a left-wing bookshop, and a bomb thrown into a peaceful demonstration in 1979).

Breivik’s attack differed from the horrors of other headline-making mass shootings in that his shots were not “random carnage”, but targeted at fledgling political figures of the future. His use of the bomb as a distraction to aid his main attack was even more impactful, one in four Norwegians knew someone personally affected by the massacre.

Brevik’s actions led to copycat attacks in the Czech Republic and Poland in 2012 and the  New Zealand Mosque attacks in 2019 which left 51 dead and the massacre at a Walmart store in El Paso, Texas, which claimed 23 lives.

Other sickening attacks since the Breivik massacre include the 2017 mosque gun attack in Quebec, the 2016 Munich shopping mall attack and the Pittsburgh synagogue shooting.

“When you’re looking at terrorism in advanced economies, it’s driven by disenfranchisement from society and alienation from the system,” Killelea told the Times.

Due to the contagious nature of mass shootings and the large amount of global media attention they receive, it is likely that this will continue to happen for years.

Two years ago, Norway was also, once more hit by far-right extremism when an armed far-right activist, after shooting dead his adopted, half-Asian sister, attempted to break into a mosque in Bærum. Worshippers successfully subdued him.

Only then did Norway’s security police changed its assessments and say that right-wing extremists were more likely to carry out domestic terrorism than Islamists. Eight years after Breivik's attack.

"I thought that Norway would positively change forever after the attacks," said Aasmund Aukrust, then-deputy leader of the Labour Youth Wing who helped organise the 2011 camp on Utøya.

"Ten years later, that hasn’t happened. And in many ways, the hate we see online and the threats against people in the Labour movement have increased."

According to the party, one in three Utøya survivors say that they have experienced hate speech or direct threats since the 2011 attacks.

Aukrust, now a national lawmaker for the Labour Party, is one of many who has been campaigning for a nationwide inquiry into the right-wing ideology.

There is hope that a new book, featuring a newfound openness and anger among survivors, will "lift the debate" and shed light on the historical roots of the far-right in Norway.

"What was very positive after the terror attacks was that people saw this as an attack on the whole of Norway. It was a way of showing solidarity,” said Aukrust.

"But that has disappeared. It was an attack on a multicultural society. And though it was the act of one person, we know that his views are shared by more people today than they were 10 years ago."

Memory politics, he organisation of collective memory by political ,by the Norwegian government was also deemed to be a "string of failures" by Jakobsen.

The government decided to tear down a landmark building in the centre of Oslo damaged by the bombing. The building had been adorned with a giant mural of a Picasso painting engraved by Norwegian sculptor Carl Nesjar. Critics said the decision to tear it down and replace it with a sparkling new building would erase the atrocities of July 22, 2011.

A positive element of Breivik’s legacy is that Norway, which already prohibits civilians from owning automatic weapons, announced plans in 2018 to  ban  semi-automatic gun ownership by 2021 (except for hunting and sport). Although the ban is yet to be enacted, there are over 40 different semi-automatic weapons slated to be largely outlawed. The ban would require current owners of semi-automatic weapons to surrender them to the authorities, and would prohibit future sales.

While Breivik believed that direct action was required over democracy, studies have shown that Norwegian youth are now more determined to use democracy than ever, with 67% of Norwegians aged 18-21 casting a ballot in 2013 elections, an increase of 10% from 2009.

Breivik was what researchers have called a “fame-seeking mass shooter” – he chose to be captured, and distributed photos and a manifesto to enhance his notoriety.

Court-ordered psychological assessment ultimately concluded that Breivik’s acts were the result of grandiose, delusional narcissism – his views were “extreme overvalued beliefs,” not delusions.

He wanted his audience to view him as a “freedom figher” acting against an imagined Islamist threat, when in reality he was a hate-filled fantasist who lacked any meaningful social connections or occupation. Like many similar perpetrators, he turned to mass shooting at a difficult and lonely point in his life.

Breivik was sentenced to preventative detention for 21 years in prison, the maximum sentence allowed by Norwegian law. This can be repeatedly extended by five years if needed. He may only be eligible for release if he is deemed rehabilitated. However, reports of his continuously disruprive and litigous behaviour.  Breivik still believes in forming a fascist revolution led by white supremacists. which make it unlikely he will be released anytime soon.

 A psychiatrist's assessment written in December 2016 said that Breivik "is more conspiratorial," wanted contact in jail with other extreme right-wingers and to form a fascist party with radicals on the outside. It also said that he was more convinced his ideas were right and that others' were wrong.

Although he is now behind bars, Norway is still wrestling with the devastating impact of his acts and  the far-right, anti-Islam ideology that inspired them. But ten years after the attacks, Norway’s strict gun laws are set to become more so, with fewer dangerous people accessing firearms. The youth of “generation Utøya” are more committed to political debate and less tolerant of violence, and better public understanding of the facts around mental illness and violence was a consequence of Breivik’s highly publicised trial.

Despite Breivik’s atrocity, he inadvertently made a civilised country even more so. Should he ever be released from prison, he may find himself in a Norway he no longer recognises.

The events of 2011 have been recorded in various book and film projects over the past decade.

On Netflix, 22 July focuses on the story of one survivor struggling to come to terms with the incident. It would have been very easy to focus such a movie on the tragic events on the island. While that's of course featured, the film focuses in much more on the experience of the one teenager after the day itself.

For a more in-depth look, I recommend the book that inspired the movie. One Of Us by Norwegian journalist Åsne Seierstad opens with a harrowing tale of what it was like to be stranded on the island with only the sound of gunshots for company: 

The heavy rain had eased off, but some last drops were still trickling down their necks and sweaty cheeks. They took in as little air as possible, trying to breathe without a sound. A raspberry bush had strayed out onto the cliff. Wild roses, pale pink, almost white, were clinging to the dance. The they heard footsteps approaching.

She then proceeds to explore the history of Anders Beiring Breivik from his troubled childhood to his right-wing activism and online gaming addiction, all through the lens of his lengthy trial in the Oslo courtrooms. You can read more about the book here.

A memorial planned near Utøya remains unfinished. Swedish artist Jonas Dahlberg's 'Memory Wound' project had been the one selected for the memorial after an international competition.

The work planned for the tip of the peninsula facing Utøya to be cut to create a gap but the decision was later reversed following complaints by locals.

The project the government later settled on was of 77 bronze statues, designed by Norwegian architect Manthey Kula.

"I think it’s shameful that Norway, 10 years after the terrorist attack, doesn’t have an official memorial site near Utoya," Tonje Brenna, the former deputy leader of the Youth Wing, and today Labour leader of Viken, the county where Utoya and Oslo stand, said.

"It stands in grave contrast to the fact that the Norwegian Labour Youth have created their own beautiful, respectful and award-winning memorial site on the island,” Brenna said. “The youth have been able to do the task the Norwegian government has been unable to do."

Thursday's rememberance events started with a memorial service outside what was once the Prime Ministr's office, an empty shell since the attack due to disagreements over how to rebuild it..

The service, which was broadcast on television, was attended by Prime Minister Erna Solberg, survivors and relatives  of the victims, political leaders and members of Norway's royal family.. 

Thousands of people gathered in the streets outside to mourn the 77 victims.

Disturbingly ten years after Brievik's lilling spree on social media there are still people motivated by extreme ideological thoughts, based on conspiracy theories and a fascist nazi view of the world.FAR-right terror attacks are rocketing with deaths soaring by 700 per cent in atrocities "inspired" by neo-Nazi Anders Breivik's massacre.

The 2020 Global Terrorism Index (GTI) found that despite a fall in the overall terrorism death toll some extremist factions are deadlier than ever.

In the West, far-right terror attacks soared by 250 per cent between 2014 and 2019 with the number of victims dying rising by 709 per cent.

There have now been more than 35 far-right terrorist incidents in the West every year for the past five years, the report reveals.

The terrifying rise appears to have been sparked by the 2011 massacre at a Norwegian summer camp by hate-fuelled Breivik, say experts.

Far-right propaganda on social media  is used by extremists to  try to exploit a captive audience during lockdown.and have tried to take advantage of the chaos and uncertainty caused by the global pandemic to spread extremist messages. They live on the internet, they live around the dinner table, they live in our communities , they live in  our neighbourhood.We have to  resist them so that what happened at Utøya Island  never happens again.

Over the last few year the media focus has solely been on that pathetic excuse of a human being, Anders Behring Breivik, Today I will try to rebalance this by focusing more on the victims of that fatal day on July 22,2011.

Hanna Endresen, 61, Oslo

Receptionist in the security department of the Government Administration Services. She was described as a “good colleague”.

Tove Ashill Knutsen, 56, Oslo

Secretary with the electricians and information technology workers’ union. On her way to subway station when bomb exploded.

Kai Hauge, 32, Oslo

Owned a bar and restaurant in Oslo. A colleague described his death as “a great loss”.

Jon Vegard Lervag, 32, Oslo

A lawyer who worked in the justice department. He was described as “socially engaged”.

Ida Marie Hill, 34, Oslo

Originally from Grue, Hedmark county, Ida worked as an adviser to the ministry of justice. She was described as “a dear and highly-valued employee”.

Hanne Ekroll Loevlie, 30, Oslo

A senior government worker originally from Tyristrand, Buskerud county. Colleagues said she “represented the best in us”.

Anne Lise Holter, 51, Valer i Oestfold, Oestfold county

Senior consultant to Norway’s PM Jens Stoltenberg’s office. Officials sent their “warmest thoughts and sympathy” to her family and friends.

Kjersti Berg Sand, 26, Nord-Ordal

Worked on international issues in Justice Department. Colleagues said they had lost a “dear and highly valued employee”.

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Utoeya island shooting
Utoeya island victims – photos of some of those who died are not available
Mona Abdinur, 18, Oslo

The committed young politician was described as “a well-loved friend, who was socially engaged and interested in multicultural issues”.

Maria Maageroe Johannesen, 17, Noetteroey, Vestfold county

Student at Greve Forest High School who was interested in music, dance and drama. Described as a wonderful, conscientious girl who was a “ray of sunshine”.

Ismail Haji Ahmed 19 Hamar, Hedmark county

Better known as Isma Brown after appearing on a talent show. The dance instructor was described as a “very bubbly, happy, caring and happy boy. He was very positive with a very big heart.”

Ronja Soettar Johansen, 17, Vefsn, Nordland county

An active blogger, Ronja had a keen interest in music. Friends said she was “a person with courage, commitment and kindness”.

Thomas Margido Antonsen, 16, Oslo

A student council representative. Described by friends as “a boy who spread joy”.

Sondre Kjoeren, 17, Orkdal, Soer-Troendelag county

Described as a gentle but committed person. He was said to have been heavily involved in efforts to get a new sports hall in his village.

Porntip Ardam, 21, Oslo

Known as Pamela. She was described as talented, super-intelligent, politically active and down to earth.

Margrethe Boeyum Kloeven, 16, Baerum, Akershus county

The student council leader was described as an “active and versatile girl”.

Modupe Ellen Awoyemi, 15, Drammen, Buskerud county

Daughter of the city council politician Lola Awoyemi. Described as a kind and open girl, who was active in AUF discussions.

Syvert Knudsen, 17, Lyngdal, Vest-Agder county

The student politician is believed to have been one of the first shot on the island. His family described him as a “bubbly” boy with a keen interest in music.

Lene Maria Bergum, 19, Namsos, Nord-Troendelag

Her head teacher described her as an excellent, beautiful youth, who was sociable, interested in international issues. She had planned to start a summer job as a journalist.

Anders Kristiansen, 18, Bardu, Troms county

An active young politician and leader of the AUF in his area. He was said to be “full of initiative” with “a great desire to work in politics”.

Kevin Daae Berland, 15, Akoey, Hordaland county

Active in Askoey AUF and was involved in local politics as well as being a member of the youth council.

Elisabeth Troennes Lie, 16, Halden, Oestfold county

A board member of the Halden AUF. Described as “the sweetest person in the world”.

Trond Berntsen, 51, Oevre Eiker, Buskerud county

Crown Princess of Norway’s step-brother. The royal court said the off-duty police officer was killed while working as a security guard on the island.

Gunnar Linaker, 23, Bardu, Troms county

Regional secretary of Labour party’s youth wing. Father described him as a “calm, big teddy bear with lots of humour and lots of love”.

Sverre Flate Bjoerkavag, 28, Sula, Soer-Troendelag county

Union official concerned about justice, equality and community thinking. Described as a well-liked young man who fought for pupils and students’ rights. Was training to be a nurse.

Tamta Lipartelliani, 23, Georgia

Secretary of the international committee of the Young Socialists of Georgia.

Torjus Jakobsen Blattmann, 17, Kristiansand,Vest-Agder county

Son of former political adviser. His father said he was a boy “full of humour” who loved playing the guitar.

Eva Kathinka Lutken, 17, Sarpsborg, Oestfold county

She was described as an active politician who was well liked.

Monica Boesei, 45, Hole, Buskerud county

PM Jens Stoltenberg said: “To many of us, she was the embodiment of Utoeya. And now she is dead. Shot and killed whilst taking care of and giving joy to young people.”

Even Flugstad Malmedal, 18, Gjoevik, Oppland county

The student with an interest in politics was described as “a gentle boy who stood up for his friends”.

Carina Borgund, 18, Oslo

Friends and family said she was “kind, caring, gentle and positive. She loved life and spread joy to everyone around her”.

Tarald Kuven Mjelde, 18, Osteroey

Said to be a big fan of Chelsea football team and described as “very warm, friendly and socially engaged”.

Johannes Buoe, 14, Mandal, Vest-Agder county

“An independent boy with a good sense of humour,” his parents told NRK. He was interested in dogs, hunting, snowmobiling and took an active part in the youth community.

Ruth Benedicte Vatndal Nilsen, 15, Toensberg, Vestfold county

Described by friends as “always happy, positive, and without prejudice”.

Asta Sofie Helland Dahl, 16, Sortland, Nordland county

Teachers described her as a wonderful girl who was “open and cheerful”.

Hakon Oedegaard, 17, Trondheim, Soer-Troendelag county

Music student at Heimdal high school and member of Byasen school marching band. Described as a role model for others in the band.

Sondre Furseth Dale, 17, Haugesund, Rogaland county

Had large network of friends through music scene and politics. Described as a dedicated person who put 100% into everything he was interested in.

Emil Okkenhaug, 15, Levanger, Nord-Troendelag county

A sports lover described as modest and liked by all who knew him.

Monica Iselin Didriksen, 18, Sund, Hordaland county

Active in Sund AUF, she was described by friends as a unique and bubbly girl.

Diderik Aamodt Olsen, 19, Nesodden, Akershus county

Vice president of Nesodden AUF. He was the youngest member of editorial staff working on the organisation’s magazine.

Gizem Dogan, 17, Trondheim, Soer-Troendelag county

Described as a clever student who contributed to the cohesion of her class. Elected as central member of local AUF a month before the tragedy.

Henrik Pedersen, 27, Porsanger, Finnmark county

Leader of Porsanger AUF. Described as a “breath of fresh air” in the local community. A Labour colleague said he was very engaged and engaging.

Andreas Edvardsen, 18, Sarpsborg, Oestfold county

Director of Sarpsborg AUF and active in in the Labour youth league regional committee in Oestfold. Described as “a very caring and confident person”.

Rolf Christopher Johansen Perreau, 25, Trondheim, Soer-Troendelag county

Known as Christopher. Long-term member of the AUF and was elected to the board in October. Described as a skilled orator and a charismatic young politician.

Tore Eikeland ,21, Osteroy, Hordaland county

PM Jens Stoltenberg described him as “one of our most talented young politicians”.

Karar Mustafa Qasim, 19, Vestby, Akershus county

Originally from Iraq, Karar was with friends at summer camp when he was killed. The local mayor described his death as “an enormous tragedy”.

Bendik Rosnaes Ellingsen, 18, Rygge, Oestfold county

Had a summer job at the justice ministry before attending camp. He was secretary of Moss Regional Labour Youth, who said they had lost a caring, open and inclusive boy.

Bano Abobakar Rashid, 18, Nesodden, Akershus county

Leader of Nesodden AUF. She was said to have dedicated her life to fighting for democracy and against racism.

Aleksander Aas Eriksen, 16, Meråker, Nord-Troendelag county

Described as socially-engaged as well as “impulsive and passionate”.

Henrik Rasmussen, 18, Hadsel, Nordland county

Treasurer of Hadsel AUF. Said to be a very committed person, both in politics and culture.

Andrine Bakkene Espeland, 16, Fredrikstad, Oestfold county

Described as a politically-engaged girl who was keen to take care of the weakest.

Synne Roeyneland, 18, Oslo

A student described by friends as a “funny girl, who always had something to offer: opinions about politics and love and fun and witty comments”.

Hanne Balch Fjalestad, 43, Lunner, Oppland county

Danish government confirmed the Danish national was killed while working on the island as a first aid assistant. She was with her 20-year-old daughter, who survived the shooting.

Ida Beathe Rogne, 17, Oestre Toten, Oppland county

A keen student described as happy and funny as well as determined.

Silje Merete Fjellbu, 17, Tinn, Telemark county

Student politician described as a “wonderful girl who had much to contribute”.

Simon Saebo, 18, Salangen, Troms county

The student politician was said to be a natural leader. Those who knew him described him as trusting and kind, and a person who showed great concern for others.

Hanne Kristine Fridtun, 19 Stryn, Sogn og Fjordane county

The nursing student was the local AUF county chairman. Described as energetic with great commitment.

Marianne Sandvik, 16, Hundvag, Stavanger

The student was described as a quiet girl who always stood up for those who needed her. Her father said she was concerned with injustice in the world.

Andreas Dalby Groennesby, 17, Stange, Hedmark county

His father had exchanged text messages with him before the shooting. His father told NRK that public support had helped at a painful, terrible time.

Fredrik Lund Schjetne, 18, Eidsvoll, Akershus county

Described by friends as “a great person” whom it was “an honour” to have known.

Snorre Haller, 30, Trondheim, Soer-Troendelag county

Painter and union man. He was a board member of the Joint Association’s Central Youth Committee. Described as a “kind, quiet and generous man”.

Lejla Selaci, 17, Fredrikstad, Oestfold county

Leader of the AUF in Fredrikstad. Described as a “very happy and social girl who committed herself to what she believed in”.

Rune Havdal, 43, Oevre Eiker, Buskerud county

Worked as a security guard on the island of Utoeya.

Birgitte Smetbak, 15, Noetteroey, Vestfold county

Politicians from her local area said hearing news of her death was “a difficult day”.

Guro Vartdal Havoll, 18, Oersta, Moere og Romsdal

An active and determined politician, the young student’s family said she was inspired by Ghandi and wanted to make the world a “better place”.

Isabel Victoria Green Sogn, 17, Oslo

An enthusiastic member of the AUF who saw her future involved in politics.

Ingrid Berg Heggelund, 18, As, Akershus county

A student who said she loved going to school.

Silje Stamneshagen, 18, Askoey, Hordaland county

Active in Askoey AUF and played in school band. Classmates described her as a happy girl who lit up the school day and every day.

Karin Elena Holst, 15, Rana, Nordland county

A member of the Rana AUF, she spoke to her mother during the shooting. She had urged her daughter to hang up and hide.

Victoria Stenberg, 17, Nes, Akershus county

The oldest of three siblings, she was said to be looking forward to the youth camp.

Eivind Hovden, 15, Tokke, Telemark county

Eivind was involved in his local youth centre and was attending his first summer camp. Described as an “amazing guy, always happy, caring and helpful”.

Tina Sukuvara, 18, Vadsoe, Finnmark county

Described as “very talented and engaged” and a person who participated actively in political debates.

Jamil Rafal Mohamad Jamil, 20, Eigersund, Rogaland county

Originally from Iraq, Jamil was described as happy, attentive and curious with a strong desire to contribute.

Sharidyn Svebakk-Boehn, 14, Drammen, Buskerud county

Known as Sissi to friends and family, the schoolgirl was described as a “beautiful, caring and vibrant girl”.

Steinar Jessen, 16 Alta, Finnmark county

A keen member of the AUF. The mayor of Alta described him as “a flower that would have grown big and strong”.

Havard Vederhus, 21, Oslo

Elected leader of Oslo Labour Youth in February. Friends said he was “ambitious and fearless”.

Espen Joergensen, 17, Bodoe, Nordland county

Had recently become head of Bodoe AUF. His best friend said he was someone who could “light up the darkest days”.

77 souls taken

77 dreams stolen

77 ideas destroyed

 Sources

https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-14276074

earlier poem

https://teifidancer-teifidancer.blogspot.com/2011/07/after-utoya-norway.html

 

Frantz Fanon: the revolutionary psychiatrist

 

Frantz Omar Fanon was a psychiatrist. writer and revolutionary, who played an active role in the Algerian war of independence from French colonial rule who remains a key thinker on decolonisation and Third World independence struggles.Fanon was born on July 20, 1925 in Fort-de-France, Martinique. He was the fifth child of a middle class mixed family of eight children. His father was a civil servant and his mother a successful shop owner He received a middle class education  He originally thought of himself. as was true of many others at the time . as French and not “Black.” That began to change when he  experienced  the racism of Vichy France soldiers sent to occupy the island during World War II  which compelled him to leave Martinique and fight with Free France forces against fascism,

Decorated for bravery with a Croix de Guerre after sustaining a serious shrapnel wound in the chest. Fanon returned briefly to Martinique to complete his studies. He met Aimé Césaire – later the most famous radical Caribbean poet – who, for a time taught him. The contact with the poet’s work marked him for the rest of his life. Césaire was a teacher, recently returned from France, of brilliant and precocious intelligence. Fanon memorised large sections of Césaire’s celebrated poem Cahier d’un Retour au Pays Natal and was struck by the poems forthright pride and courage: “no race has a monopoly on beauty, or intelligence, or strength, and there will be a place for all at the rendezvous of victory”.

Césaire was a proponent of Négritude, a movement of black renaissance which he, Leopold Senghor and Léon Damas founded in Paris in the 1930s. It was a confident assertion of the vitality and pride in being black, and of African society and culture. Fanon was influenced by the movement but questioned the way Négritude contrasted a contrived African emotionality with European rationality and science. Fanon praised Négritude’s important celebration of being black in a world of overwhelming racism. 

Fanon graduated from his Fort-de-France lycée and moved to Paris to study dentistry. His decision was no longer based on a romance of the motherland, but a pragmatic recognition that Martinique was too small to contain his plans and ambitions. He abandoned dentistry and Paris for medicine and Lyon. In Lyon he specialised in psychiatry and became active on the periphery of the Communist Party (PCF).  Here he began writing political essays and plays, and he married a Frenchwoman, Jose Duble. 

At the same time, he absorbed the latest European intellectual developments such as phenomenology, existentialism, psychoanalysis, and Marxism.”This led to his first book, published in 1952 when Fanon was only twenty-six: Black Skin, White Masks. originally titled “An Essay for the Disalienation of Blacks,” in part based on his lectures and experiences in Lyon in which he denounced racism and "linguistic colonization"

  BSWM is part manifesto, part analysis; it both presents Fanon’s personal experience as a black intellectual in a whitened world and elaborates the ways in which the colonizer/colonized relationship is normalized as psychology. Because of his schooling and cultural background, the young Fanon conceived of himself as French, and the disorientation he felt after his initial encounter with French racism decisively shaped his psychological theories about culture. Fanon inflects his medical and psychological practice with the understanding that racism generates harmful psychological constructs that both blind the black man to his subjection to a universalized white norm and alienate his consciousness. A racist culture prohibits psychological health in the black man.

What does the Black want? To be recognized as human. The question and logic has resonance with the idea of Black Lives Matter. Why? Because Black Lives Matter is a demand not a request. In its gestures to humanism, it is an imminent critique of White liberal humanism and its abstract universals, which, by saying all lives matter, elides the concreteness and specificity of Black lives mattering  In other words, at the level of daily experience of Black life, especially the life of Black youth, Black life does not seem to matter, or matters only as a threat to civil society, which is normatively White. Put another way, in cosmopolitan civil society, racially coded across space and place, Black life is still not fully human

The opening pages of Black Skin, White Masks contained a vivid declaration: “Man is a ‘Yes’ resounding from cosmic harmonies.” Fanon conceived of freedom as a “world of mutual recognitions,” insisting that a desire “to touch the other, feel the other, discover each other” was an essential part of humanity’s very being.

After practicing psychiatry for several years in France, Fanon moved to Algeria in 1953, where he took up a position at the Blida-Joinville hospital, outside of Algiers. He did not make this move for political reasons, knowing little of Algeria at the time, and having had minimal contact with African liberation movements.

When Fanon arrived in Algeria, at the age of 28 and only a year after the publication of his first book, he was already a man of wide and precocious intellectual culture, equally at home in European philosophy and Afro-Caribbean thought as well as the intellectual linkages between Africa and the African Diaspora, quite aside from his professional training in psychiatry and psychopathology.

Until he arrived in Algeria his political passion against colonialism and racism were focussed almost entirely on how these affected “Black” people, whose origins were in “Black” Africa, with whom his own identity as a very dark-skinned “Negro” was profoundly enmeshed. In Algeria, however, he saw victims of colonial racism and violence who were not “Black”, and once the war of Algerian independence began, he encountered a colonial violence far more extreme than anything he had seen in Martinique. He quickly learned that colour, per se, was secondary in structures of colonial racism; the “Arab” could be stigmatised just as brutally and contemptuously as the “Black”.

His initial project at the Blida Hospital was simply to train nurses and interns in the kind of socio-therapy he had learned from Tosquelles and to investigate the cultural backgrounds of his patients in the course of his own psychiatric practice.

Though  understaffed, Fanon and his colleagues made use of techniques such as occupational therapy, having patients produce newspapers and plays, and allowing them to freely associate with each other in the institution. In the course of this work, Fanon was still prepared to administer pharmaceutical drugs, and he even deployed shock therapy. But he did so while seeking to create a humanist environment that treated the patient as a person. He created a café that functioned as a kind of social club or meeting place. He “organized daily meetings, built a library, set up ergotherapy stations—weaving, pottery, knitting, gardening—and promoted sports, especially soccer, which, he argued, could play an important role in the re-socialization of patients.”

Fanon noticed that these activities were instantly successful with European women patients at producing stronger social ties and self-determination, but less so with the Muslim men under his care. In the act of decolonization, he and his colleagues set out to sensitize themselves to the culture of these men, rather than continue to impose an imperialistic “western grid” on them.

He traveled throughout Algeria and discovered that the Muslim culture there was more interested in religious and familial gatherings than “parties.” They were more familiar with storytelling and reciting epic poems that modes of entertainment such as theater.

In response, Fanon and colleagues “changed their movie selection and privileged action-filled films; they picked games that were familiar to Algerians; they celebrated the traditional Muslim holidays; they invited Muslim singers to perform in the hospital, and they hired a professional storyteller to come speak to the patients.”

An openness to human possibilities grounded this approach, both in Fanon’s work as a psychiatrist, and in his later role as a revolutionary activist. It was in the course of such investigations that he began to see how deep the psychological wounds are that the colonial system inflicts upon its subjects.

Fanon quickly discovered a “Manichean” society where the French settlers, about 10 percent of Algeria’s population, lived in a different world from its Arab and Kabyle masses. The latter were subjected to discrimination that was far more brutal than anything he had experienced in the Antilles.

Soon thereafter, he began to see victims of torture almost as a routine matter in his practice;

When the Algerian revolution broke out in November 1954, Fanon  discovered at his hospital an underground network associated with the National Liberation Front (FLN), and came into contact with the FLN himself, initially in his capacity as a psychiatrist.Fanon embraced the movement’s aims and its advocacy of armed struggle.Fanon now combined his psychiatric work with involvement in a revolutionary movement. He secretly hid FLN militants in the hospital and provided therapy to victims of rape and torture. He also became increasingly active in political debates within the FLN. 

As one who was philosophically committed to an authentic existence in which thought and action had to be organically united, he found it personally untenable to remain an official in colonial service in the midst of a revolution, and in the midst, moreover, of the wholesale colonial machinery of torture. He chose to serve the revolution, instead, and resigned from colonial service in the summer of 1956 and joined the revolution soon thereafter. His letter of resignation encapsulates his theory of the psychology of colonial domination, and pronounces the colonial mission incompatible with ethical psychiatric practice: “If psychiatry is the medical technique that aims to enable man no longer to be a stranger to his environment, I owe it to myself to affirm that the Arab, permanently an alien in his own country, lives in a state of absolute depersonalization … The events in Algeria are the logical consequence of an abortive attempt to decerebralize a people” (Toward the African Revolution 53) 

Following his resignation, Fanon fled to Tunisia and began working openly with the Algerian independence movement. In addition to seeing patients, Fanon wrote about the movement for a number of publications, including Sartre’s Les Temps Modernes, Presence Africaine, and the FLN newspaper el Moudjahid; some of his work from this period was collected posthumously as Toward the African Revolution (1964).

Fanon contrasted the revolutionary praxis of the colonized with the passivity and betrayals of the European Left. The French Socialist and Communist Parties supported the war of French imperialism against the Algerian revolution, which led to over half a million deaths.

A Socialist premier, Guy Mollet, presided over the violent clampdown in Algeria, while the Communist deputies in the French parliament voted in favor of war credits, despite their formal commitment to Leninist anti-colonialism. With the important exception of figures such as Jean-Paul Sartre, there was little active support for Algeria’s revolution from even the most radical sections of the European Left. This led Fanon to become increasingly critical of the paradigm that defined much of Western thought.

Fanon’s work for Algerian independence was not confined to writing. During his panytenure as Ambassador to Ghana for the Provisional Algerian Government, he worked to establish a southern supply route for the Algerian army.

In December 1957, Abane Ramdane, Fanon’s closest comrade in the Algerian national liberation movement, was assassinated by a right-wing faction within the movement that aimed to subordinate political work to military authority. Fanon’s name was placed on a list of people to be watched, and subject to a similar fate should there be open defiance within the movement in response to the assassination. From this point on, Fanon lived knowing that there was a potential of significant risk from the authoritarian nationalists in the movement, and a vital struggle within the struggle. and continued his anti-colonial political engagement until the end of his life, always maintaining the intimate link between sociopolitical and economic violence and mental health.

In speaking about the project of emancipation, Fanon believed that the oppressed in society must walk a fine line between rootedness in tradition and a more universal, humanist openness toward the future. He encouraged people to avoid “imitating Europe” and its models for life (and psychiatry), while also avoiding a hopeless return to an imagined pre-colonial past or tribalism.

In 1961, his life ebbing away from leukaemia  (he had contracted the disease in the course of his exhausting trip across the Sahara as a part of a team trying to open a third front for the revolution and its supply lines. In this sense, he died for the revolution that he had sought to serve with his life) Fanon dictated his masterwork, “The Wretched of the Earth”, to his wife, friends and secretaries. Finding some strength after a new round of treatment, he travelled to the Tunisian/Algerian border (Ghardimaou in Tunisia) and spoke to the Armée de Libération Nationale as it prepared to fight the French and enter a free Algeria.

In his book The Wretched of the Earth  Fanon outlined the cure to colonialism which he believed induced mental illness in the colonized and colonizers alike and develops the Manichean perspective implicit in BSWM. To overcome the binary system in which black is bad and white is good, Fanon argues that an entirely new world must come into being. This utopian desire, to be absolutely free of the past, requires total revolution, “absolute violence” To throw off the shackles of colonialism, Fanon argued that colonized peoples have no other choice but to meet colonists’ physical and emotional acts of violence with a violence of the same magnitude, until “the last become first”  Fanon further believed violent rebellion has the capacity to cure the ailments of the colonized while unifying a people as a basis for a new nation.

He described how the national bourgeoisie, after independence, is only too happy to accept what crumbs the departing colonial powers throw to it. Without social reform, without political and economic transformation, he warned, national liberation would be an empty shell.

Fanon’s final act was to encourage – and yet subvert – the revolutionary movement to which he had devoted the last and most important years of his life. He had stubbornly refused to accept treatment in the United States, which he condemned for its racism.

But, in October 1961, he flew there from Tunisia, his home in exile. His last Atlantic crossing was to no avail. On December 6 1961 he died at the tragic young age of 36 at the National Institutes of Health in Bethesda, Maryland, where he had sought treatment for his cancer,At his request, his body was returned to Algeria and buried with honors by the Algerian National Army of Liberation.

Since his death Fanon has been endlessly resurrected, sometimes bastardised, often deified.

In his adoptive Algeria, which won independence in 1962 after a gruelling eight-year war that killed hundreds of thousands of Algerians, he has received uneasy recognition. His work has been translated into Arabic, his old hospital in Blida named after him, a school and large street carry his name in Algiers.

 Critics and fellow travellers alike  have declared him a prophet of violent revolution, accusing him of championing the detoxifying and cleansing effects of violence without appreciating its destructive and degenerative whirlwind, but in the mid-1960s a new Black Power movement, principally in the United States, took up Fanon’s writings. It interpreted his analysis of racism and his insistence on the necessity of organising the wretched of the earth, and on the therapeutic effects of violence as defence against oppression, as tools to deploy against the “colonisation” of black communities there.

Bobby Seale, co-founder of the Black Panther Party, cited the influence of everything that Fanon said about violence and the spontaneity of violence, how spontaneous violence educates those who are in a position with skills to lead the people to what needs to be done.The Black Panther activist Eldrige Cleaver once claimed “every brother on a roof top” could quote Frantz Fanon.

Ultimately, though, the major point is that Fanon is still relevant sixty years after his death in 1961. As he wrote in The Wretched of the Earth “each generation must discover its mission, fulfill or betray it, in relative opacity”. Certainly, a much-needed call to action. Individuals continue to be subject to the daily pain of alienation, they experience the daily indignity of threats to their various and multiple experiences of well-being. Millions face very real threats to their survival, both physical and psychological. 

Despite the hope that existed in the late 1950s and early 1960s, decolonialization did not help people on the social, cultural, and economic margins of these newly “independent” nations. The national bourgeoisie mimicked their colonial masters and enriched themselves at the expense of the poor. The brutality simply took another form, and the exploitation continues apace.

Frantz Fanon is buried in the cemetery chouhadas (martyrs cemetery of war) near the Algerian-Tunisian border, in the town Ain Kerma (wilaya of El-Tarf) in Tunis. At a time when activists are turning a spotlight on racial oppression, he’s never been more relevant, his innovative thinking still speaks vividly to the present, his ideas remaining the weapons of the oppressed.